Several decades on, the much heralded Kariba Dam is in big trouble, even facing possible collapse, with potentially catastrophic consequences.

Daily Maverick

The Kariba Dam wall

Zambia and Zimbabwe currently derive the bulk of their electricity supplies from hydroelectric dams on the Zambezi and other rivers in the region.

The drought has resulted in prolonged low water levels in the dams, which has resulted in sustained blackouts in Zambia for upwards of eight hours per day in recent times.

Provided the rains return, electricity supplies should normalise. But a far greater potential danger exists.

The region’s largest hydroelectric dam — Kariba — has developed some extremely serious flaws during its 50-plus years of existence and some observers have even suggested that the dam is in grave danger of collapse, with the attendant catastrophic consequences.

Currently at 18% full, Kariba hit a recent low point of around 12% in January 2016.

The Kariba Dam on the Zambezi, between Zambia and Zimbabwe, was designed and constructed just before and after the end of British colonial rule in Africa.

Designed by Coyne et Bellier of France and constructed by Salini Impreglio of Italy in two main phases between 1956 and 1977, the dam was financed by the World Bank.

This was the heyday of the Zambian Copperbelt activities near Ndola in the north of the country and sustained electrical supply was critical to ensuring the smooth operation of the copper industry.

At the time, Kariba was one of the largest hydroelectric power stations in the world in terms of its power output, though today it doesn’t even come close to being in the top 20.

Serious and unexpected flooding in the Zambezi Valley during 1957 and 1958 led the designer and constructors to deviate from the original plan for the dam insofar as they decided to install six sluice gates rather than three, to accommodate hitherto unheard of water levels.

This action may have inadvertently resulted in serious design flaws that only manifested themselves years later.

The scouring action of the spillways has, over time, resulted in a 90-metre deep “plunge pool” being formed in front of the dam wall.

This canyon is now only about 30 metres away from the dam’s foundations and, if left unchecked, threatens to undermine those very foundations.

The erosion problem was first identified as early as 1962, after only three years of operation.

At that time, the plunge pool was around 30m wide, but by the 1980s it had more than doubled in size.

Since the 1990s, only three of the six floodgates have been allowed to be opened at any point in time, thus limiting the scouring impact of the spillway.

This action appears to have resulted in no further erosion of the plunge pool.

Of course, this is a mixed blessing, as it has meant that average water levels in the dam have required to be kept lower than they otherwise would have been, resulting in lower amounts of electricity generating capacity.

A less pressing problem is that the concrete surrounding the floodgates has swelled over the years, inhibiting the ability of the dam to rid itself of excess water during times of flood.

Of course, this is not a problem at all currently, due to the average dam level of the past two years only being 18%.

The World Bank has organised syndicated funding of almost $300 million to rehabilitate the dam.

This would involve reshaping the floor of the plunge pool so that spillway water no longer splashes back towards the dam wall.

It also involves rebuilding the six sluice gates.

The estimated repair time for the reshaping of the plunge pool is three years, with the sluice repairs taking eight years.

Notwithstanding the very low dam level, work can only be carried out during the dry winter season each year and cumulative delays so far have meant that reshaping contracts were only due to be awarded last month and sluice gate contract work only beginning in June 2017.

The World Bank is very confident that Kariba Dam is not in any danger of collapse, a view that is diametrically opposed by the Institute of Risk Management South Africa (IRMSA) and AON South Africa, which issued a report in 2015 written by IRMSA founder member Kay Darbourn that stated that the dam wall would collapse if urgent repair work wasn’t carried out very quickly.

The report contained the extremely chilling line: “If nothing is done, the dam will collapse in three years”.

So which body is correct — the World Bank or IRMSA? Although The World Bank seems very confident that the wall won’t collapse, there have been suggestions that the body has been only too happy for scaremongering reports along the lines of IRMSA’s to circulate, as this has helped speed up the notoriously slow process of syndicating the loans required for rehabilitation.

But if IRMSA is correct, the consequences could be devastating.

A collapsed Kariba Dam would wreak havoc on human and animal life, as the resulting tsunami tore through the Zambezi Valley.

The force of water would be so great that it would likely also destroy Cahora Bassa Dam in Mozambique, about 480km away.

Under such a doomsday scenario, aside from the loss of animal and human life, electricity production in the southern Africa region would be seriously degraded.

Around 40% of Southern Africa’s electrical generating capacity (ex-SA) would be gone and the industries that depend on this power, such as mining, would be crippled.

South Africa currently relies on Cahora Bassa to deliver 1 500 megawatts of clean power a day and if that were to be switched off, rolling power cuts could resume in that country.

Reconstructing both dams would take up to eight years and during that time, the cumulative misery of the hundreds of thousands of displaced people would be incalculable.

Perhaps, the last word on this subject should be left to the late South African prime minister John Vorster; in a completely different context, he is credited with coining the phrase “consequences too ghastly to contemplate”.

If the World Bank is wrong and Kariba does indeed collapse, the consequences really would be too ghastly to contemplate.

A clear and present danger of Kariba Dam collapse : NewsDay Zimbabwe.

The most subversive political protest of 2016 started with a Facebook video. The quality is terrible: grainy and skew, with Evan Mawarire’s face partially cut off, his eyes obscured by the reflection of the overhead light on his glasses.

Daily Maverick

It doesn’t matter. Mawarire wasn’t making cinema. He was making history.

The 39-year-old — a professional MC in the week, a pastor at the weekend — was frustrated. Despite working himself to the bone, he still didn’t have enough money to pay his children’s school fees, and he knew why: a dysfunctional political system that punished ordinary, hard-working Zimbabweans, while enriching a tiny corrupt elite.

Mawarire had had enough. He decided to do something about it. In a moment that changed his life — and, potentially, that of millions of Zimbabweans — Mawarire propped his camera phone on the desk in front of him, and slung a Zimbabwean flag around his neck.

For the next four minutes, he spoke with emotion and eloquence about how the ideals represented by that flag had been twisted and mangled by the powers-that-be, and how it was time to reclaim those ideals.

“When I look at the flag, it’s not a reminder of my pride and inspiration, it feels as if I just want to belong to another country… And so I must look at it again with courage and try to remind myself that it is my country,” he said.

After uploading the video to Facebook — “If I have crossed a line, then I believe it was long overdue,” he told his friends — Mawarire went home. Nothing would be the same again.

The video went viral. Mawarire had touched a nerve, and soon an online movement was born: #ThisFlag. Zimbabweans shared their own stories, clutching their flags and dreaming of a different, better Zimbabwe; one in which the flag was a source of pride rather than shame.

In the real world, street vendors started selling the flag at busy intersections; people hung it from their windows and draped it over their vehicles.

At the time: “In reclaiming the flag, #ThisFlag has appropriated the State’s most potent symbol. They have seized the one icon that the state can’t ban or suppress, and made it their own.

The flags that fly above government buildings, the flags that are pinned on the chests of government officials, the flags attached on the bonnets of President Mugabe’s motorcade, these are all now subversive acts that the regime cannot ignore — or does so at its peril.”

Inevitably, this contradiction between the flag as symbol of the State, and the flag as symbol of the resistance to the State, manifested itself as farce: Zimbabwean MPs, for example, have been forbidden from displaying the flag in Parliament, while it is now illegal to sell the flag on the streets.

Suddenly, and almost completely by accident, Mawarire had become one of the most serious threats to President Robert Mugabe’s regime.

A backlash was inevitable. Mawarire uploaded the first #ThisFlag video in April — there would be several more — and in July he was arrested and charged with treason.

In extraordinary, unprecedented scenes, several thousand people descended on the Harare Magistrates’ Court for his remand hearing, chanting and singing and praying for his release.

Eventually, they got what they wanted, with public pressure forcing the presiding judge to uphold the law.

Two days later, fearing for his life, Mawarire fled Zimbabwe, first to South Africa and then the United States. His family followed shortly afterwards.

There is no doubt that this decision tarnished his reputation, although on a personal level it is completely understandable. Some comrades and confidantes felt abandoned, and scared, knowing that they were in danger too, and had been left behind to do all the hard work.

Some supporters accused Mawarire of failing to practice what he preached. He had told Zimbabweans to “scale the wall of fear”, but was apparently not prepared to take on that challenge himself.

Overnight, the momentum drained from #ThisFlag. There would not be a people-powered, Mawarire-led revolution in 2016.

Nonetheless, Zimbabwe continues to reel from the impact of #ThisFlag. In particular, other social movements were energised by the reaction to his video, recognising that Zimbabweans were hungry for a new kind of resistance, one that rose above the messy politics of existing opposition parties. Groups like Tajamuka, the National Vendors Union and Occupy Africa Unity Square have organised anti-government sit-ins, rallies and marches, while also beginning the long and difficult work of network building and civic education, especially in rural areas where the ruling party’s writ remains strongest.

Those existing opposition parties have also been able to capitalise, taking advantage of the new atmosphere of dissidence to press their claims for reform. Especially successful has been a loose coalition under the banner of the National Electoral Reform Agenda that has organised marches and shutdowns in major cities, reminding government that the opposition is still a force to be reckoned with.

For now, Robert Mugabe remains in charge of Zimbabwe, and neither #ThisFlag nor Mawarire are going to change that on their own.

Nonetheless, change is in the air in Zimbabwe — and Mawarire’s out-of-focus, heartfelt video is a major reason why.

Evan Mawarire: 2016 African Person of the year : NewsDay Zimbabwe.

Africa’s politics is changing very fast, and the tide is turning against the incumbent revolutionary leaders, who have been using their liberation war credentials as a carte blanche for their continued hold on power using despotic means.

By Everson Mushava

MDC-T leader Morgan Tsvangirai with ZimPF counterpart Joice Mujuru

For decades, the task of removing authoritarian leaders had proved a colossal task, with the incumbent leaders using murky tactics including dividing the opposition so that they are easy to defeat.

But the recent development in the Gambia, where a seven-party coalition led by Adama Barrow has managed to end Yahya Jammeh’s 22-year-old tyrannical rule, has given a fresh impetus to the various opposition parties spread across Africa, who had been trudging towards coalitions to battle long-time despots. Jammeh has, however, made a U-turn and is now refusing to accept the election results.

In Kenya, Coalition for Reforms and Democracy leader, Raila Odinga and his former political ally, Amani National Congress (ANC) party leader, Musalia Mudavadi have already announced a pact against Uhuru Kenyatta and his Jubilee government in the 2017 elections.

The two leaders, now in a coalition of six political parties, may have learnt from their 2013 mistake that a divided opposition would fall and are set to formally announce their union under the National Super Alliance in February.

The talk of a grand coalition to end President Robert Mugabe’s 36-year-old hegemony in Zimbabwe has been gathering momentum, but not without its fair share of glitches.

For the past months, over 18 opposition political parties, who have been working under the banner of National Election Reform Agenda to force reforms in the country’s electoral laws had given hope that Mugabe would face a united opposition in the 2018 general elections, but fresh bickering in the opposition camp has posed new threats to the possibility.

Two weeks ago, over a dozen political parties went to South Africa for coalition talks, but MDC-T leader, Morgan Tsvangirai and Zimbabwe People First leader, Joice Mujuru snubbed the meeting, claiming they would not be part of talks organised by Zanu PF proxies.

The two leaders came under serious attacks from fellow opposition leaders, but they stood firm, saying a serious due diligence on opposition parties was necessary before a pact could be reached, accusing other leaders of trying to ride on their popularity.

But some analysts have thrown their weight on Tsvangirai-Mujuru’s stance not to be frog-marched into forming a coalition of opposition political parties before a due diligence exercise is carried out on some political parties to determine if they can be trusted.

United Kingdom-based Zimbabwean lawyer Alex Magaisa posted on Facebook said: “Surely any coalition talks require serious due diligence rather than be a free for all just because people claim to be in opposition.”

Political analyst, Pedzisai Ruhanya echoed Magaisa’s sentiments, saying Zimbabwe’s opposition parties should be more pragmatic and carry out due diligence on members before forming the coalition to avoid infiltration by Zanu PF.

He said a loose coalition would be a march from disaster to tragedy and, thus, Tsvangirai and Mujuru’s position should be taken seriously.

“There is need to understand what political parties and leaders would be bringing in to the political table,” Ruhanya said.

“This should take into consideration both quantitative and qualitative factors, does the party have the numbers and what are the qualities of the leaders. I don’t believe we have 20 opposition political parties. It can’t be a coalition, it will be infiltrated.”

Ruhanya said there was need for the MDC-T to consider reuniting with the MDC before even negotiating with Mujuru.

“There should be common ground between the MDC formations before they partner those who left Zanu PF. There is also need to consider the party’ ability to mobilise, there should be no equal partners in the coalition,” he said.

Ruhanya said a maximum of five opposition parties can hand Zanu PF — which first tasted defeat to Tsvangirai in the first round poll in March 2008 — a humiliating poll drubbing. Even independence in most African countries, Ruhanya added, was earned through coalitions, the same way Zanu joined hands with Zapu.

Although observers say Zanu PF would not stand against a united coalition, the ruling party has scoffed at the idea, saying failed politicians would not stand any chance against a tried and tested Mugabe.

But, with the declining economic situation, which that has led to fierce street protests, many people think the ground is ripe for Mugabe’s departure and a united opposition would be the only thing left to complement citizens’ efforts.

Zanu PF could be quaking in its boots at the prospect of facing a united coalition and the possibility of sponsoring infiltration to scuttle the prospect could be high.

Political analyst, Vivid Gwede said learning from the event in the Gambia, where a coalition ended Jammeh’s rule, there was no doubt that a collation was necessary, but for the project to be successful, there was need for careful implementation of the idea.

“In my view, there is urgent need to cultivate trust and respect among the political players with limited gamesmanship and scheming that breeds mistrust,” he said.

“Equally, this effort by the opposition is being closely watched by the ruling party with a possible motive to derail it. So the coalition must not be just a coalescing of opposition entities, but a meeting of minds as well.

“The opposition leaders must have realistic expectations in terms of their leadership ambitions based on their proven strengths on the ground. This is because the issue of leadership will likely be a deal maker or breaker. No doubt the coalition should be led by people who can bring out the vote, but there is also need to include those, who have the skills of governance.”

Another political commentator, Blessing Vava said emphasis should be on coming up with a framework to mobilise the masses, remove fear in people, particularly in rural areas, rather than the coalition itself.

“It doesn’t make sense to be in a coalition with parties that do not have a following, you have to be tried first in an electoral contest so as to ascertain your strength, it is clear that some parties only carry the so-called big names, but without a base,” he said.

“Therefore, those calling for due diligence are justified, assessment has to be on different levels like what are you bringing to the coalition, how strong are you in mobilising and how is your party structured?

“Some parties are yet to conduct internal electoral process and, hence, the leaders of those parties have a questionable mandate. Parties should go on the ground; they are spending time in boardrooms, doing press conferences instead of going where the people are.”

‘Loose coalition– a march from disaster to tragedy’ : NewsDay Zimbabwe.

ON May 30, 2014, Budiriro 2 high-density suburb turned into a war zone, after the Madzibaba Ishmael-led Johane Masowe Echishanu apostolic sect members ran amok following the announcement that their church had been banned over a raft of malpractices.

BY JAIROS SAUNYAMA

The rogue shepherd’s staff-wielding sect members could not stomach the Apostolic Christian Council of Zimbabwe (ACCZ)’s decision and responded by attacking journalists, police officers and ACCZ members.

A number of people were seriously injured while Madzibaba Ishmael — real name Ishmael Chokurongerwa Mufani — was later arrested in Mutoko after fleeing from the police.

He is currently serving time in prison.

The sect was accused of marrying off children, barring members from seeking medical treatment and preventing children from attending school.

Madzibaba Ishmael’s incarceration was the first massive bite by ACCZ, a body that governs more than 3 000 apostolic sects, who then had embarked on a journey to end child marriages, among other child and women rights abuses.

Traditionally, most apostolic sects are well known for weird doctrines that largely oppress women and infringe on children’s rights.

A number of young girls have been married off to patriarchs, claiming they were instructed to do so through divine visions and dreams.

On the other hand, pregnant women are not allowed to give birth at hospitals, a move that has resulted in a high maternal mortality rate within apostolic churches.

In their endeavour to end women and child rights abuses, ACCZ recently established a Gender and Child Care Unit to ensure the protection of women’s and children’s rights as envisioned in the country’s Constitution.

Recently, over 5 000 apostolic youths and women converged in Harare for the first-ever conference that was meant to discuss issues like child marriages and gender-based violence (GBV), among other human rights abuses.

ACCZ’s Gender and Child Care Unit leader Busani Sibanda said the conference was meant to equip the women and children on human rights-related issues.

“We are totally against child marriages and all forms of GBVs and this is the reason why we held the first-ever national conference to fight against these social vices. We were overwhelmed by the turnout and this shows that the message is getting to the people,” he said.

“We seek to scout for solutions that empower, protect and champion the well-being of women, children and the youths who constitute the majority vulnerable to poverty, abuse and marginalisation in churches and mainstream society.

“To foster child development, the unit successfully conducted an anti-child marriage campaign under the theme Zero Tolerance to Child Marriages. The campaign was hinged on the premise that if people know more about the causes and effects of child marriages to families, churches and the nation, hence they can do more to eradicate this practice, creating resilient, empowered and progressive churches, communities and country.”

Moreover, the apostolic sects have launched ward level-based groups in every province that advocate for human rights as well as providing assistance to victims of child marriages and reporting human rights abuses perpetrators to police.

“We now have representatives based in the wards in every province, who are advocates of child and women human rights. They assist victims and report any cases of child marriages and GBV, among others,” Sibanda added.

“We have also come up with a school fees fund that is meant to support orphaned and other vulnerable girls, so that they don’t fall victim to sex predators who want to bail them through marriages. We realised that the main driver of child marriages is poverty and, hence, we thought of empowering vulnerable young girls by sending them to school.”

According to the government, through the Ministry of Primary and Secondary Education, over 4 500 minors have dropped out of school due to child marriages countrywide this year alone, of which 3 955 are girls and 264 boys.

Addressing scores of children and women during the official launch of this year’s edition of 16 Days of Activism Against GBV in Harare, ACCZ president Johannes Ndanga said the apostolic sects were calling for 365 days of activism against GBV, instead of 16.

“Child marriages are a thing of the past within the apostolic sects and we are urging all those who are still following such practices. If one dreams of marrying of a 10-year-old girl and says God has revealed this to him, the question we need to ask is: With all the widows and single mothers in the church, why is the prophet failing to dream about marrying them?” he asked mockingly.

“We are also against GBV in the country. We are all created in the image of God and there is no need to beat or harass someone who was specially created by God. However, there is need for economic empowerment of women, because this is the sustainable key approach to eradicate violence against women.”

Ndanga added that there is need for the country’s marriage laws to be speedily and urgently realigned to the 2013 Constitution to ensure that 18 years subsists as the age of consent sex and as the legal age of marriage.

Studies have shown that women who control their own resources are less vulnerable to abuse because of their gender.

According to the 2015 Zimbabwe Demographic and Health Survey findings, more than one in three women has experienced physical violence since the age of 15.

Meanwhile, non-governmental organisations have commended the role being played by Vapostori in fighting against GBV and child marriages.

United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA) assistant country representative Abigail Musemburi said a positive result was being yielded in working along with various stakeholders to reduce child marriage rates as well as GBV.

“We are happy with the recent landmark court ruling, a move that will see the country achieving a positive result in ending child marriages. As UNFPA, we are working well with various stakeholders including government to fight GBV and children rights abuses,” she said.

“We are happy to announce that we have established four one-stop centres in different provinces, with more yet to be established as we intensify our campaign to end GBV.

“At these centres, victims will find all forms of assistance without moving from one office to the other. There will be counsellors, lawyers and so on. We have worked closely with ACCZ and we are making progress towards ending all those ills.”

Women Affairs, Gender and Community Development minister Nyasha Chikwinya said there was need for a multi-sectoral approach in fighting against GBVs before hailing efforts by the apostolic sect to stamp out the heinous act.

“To effectively prevent and respond to GBV, a co-ordinated multi-sectoral approach is needed. We want to unite and strengthen our collaborative efforts in working with all critical stakeholders who have a role to play in addressing GBV,” she said.

“I am calling upon traditional leaders, churches, the police, the courts and all of us as individuals to step up our efforts to address this scourge that we are faced with. I recognise the great work within the apostolic sects or ACCZ in addressing issues of child marriage and GBV. Their support towards national programmes does not go unnoticed and we are totally grateful for this.”

Apostolic sects record successes against gender violence : NewsDay Zimbabwe.

THE performance of ministers in Parliament, particularly in the Senate, has been so dismal that senators have expressed concern over their “unbecoming” conduct.

BY VENERANDA LANGA

Higher Education minister Jonathan Moyo

The ministers have been accused of failing to respond to motions by legislators and for perennial truancy during Senate’s Thursday question-and-answer sessions.

On Thursday, December 1, all ministers, with the exception of Primary and Secondary Education minister Lazarus Dokora, failed to turn up in the Senate for the question and answer session.

This really vexed senators.

The dismal performance of ministers was even worsened by the fact that since 2013, only one minister has responded to motions raised by senators and yet the Standing Rules and Orders (SROs) require ministers to respond to motions in the House and to attend to Parliament business.

Parliament’s SROs stipulate that at the conclusion of debate on a Parliamentary committee report or motion by backbenchers, a minister, under whose portfolio the matters raised in that report pertain to, is required to provide a comprehensive response.

No such thing has ever happened in the Senate, and the only minister who has responded to a motion since 2013 is Oppah Muchinguri, when she was Women’s Affairs minister, and was responding to a motion to celebrate women’s day.

Senator representing people with disabilities, Nyamayabo Mashavakure, raised the issue in the Senate on December 1 when only Dokora had turned up in Senate, saying ministers were acting irresponsibly.

“In my memory as a senator, since 2013, there has been one motion that was responded to by a minister and that motion was requesting for a holiday to celebrate International Women’s Day,” Mashavakure said.

“We need to address the issue to ensure ministers attend to answer to questions from backbenchers and to respond to motions.”

Section 107 (2) of the Constitution requires that every Vice-President, minister and deputy minister must attend Parliament and Parliamentary committees in order to answer questions concerning matters for which they are collectively or individually responsible.

But this has not been happening and in the National Assembly, Vice-President Emmerson Mnangagwa has been taking questions from MPs every Wednesday, yet always conspicuous by his absence is Vice-President Phelekezela Mphoko, who has never taken any questions from backbenchers in Parliament since he was appointed to that post.

In the National Assembly, MDC-T Chief whip Innocent Gonese has also raised the issue that Mphoko and other ministers have been avoiding Parliament question-and-answer sessions.

After complaints by opposition MPs, Mphoko has now tried to turn up on Wednesdays in the National Assembly, although he usually turns up around 4pm when the House would already have adjourned after the questions without notice.

Southern Africa Parliamentary Support Trust director John Makamure, in his recent paper on duties of ministers to attend Parliamentary sessions, clarified the issue, saying it is the duty of both Vice-Presidents to attend Parliamentary sessions and not only one VP.

In this case, it is Mnangagwa who has been taking the task of answering questions.

Mnangagwa is the leader of the House, but the Constitution provides that all VPs must always be available to take questions from MPs during question time.

“Let me clarify that it is not only one VP who is required to attend parliamentary sessions, but the two VPs. The Constitution says, ‘every’ VP and not one of the VPs. Furthermore, the VPs are expected to attend parliamentary committee meetings when invited, and not plenary sessions only. My interpretation of this constitutional provision is that it is within the right of committees to summon the two VPs to appear before them if they feel the issues on the agenda can only be adequately addressed at that level,” he said.

Mphoko only spoke once in the National Assembly when he presented the National Peace and Reconciliation Commission Bill, and when adjourning the House.

In Senate, senators have made it clear that they will not entertain absenteeism by ministers, and when Dokora was the only minister to turn up on December 1, 2016 for a question-and-answer session, Midlands senator Morgen Komichi condemned the bad practice of absenteeism by ministers.

“I propose that we must protest on the behaviour of ministers by allowing Dokora to go and we adjourn the House because there is serious disrespect by ministers. This did not happen only today (December 1), but we have been watching for the past four to five months that ministers are failing to attend question and answer,” he said.

Harare Metropolitan Senator James Makore added: “We thank Dokora for attending, and he attends, we see him all the time. We are not belittling Dokora by asking him to go, but by doing so, it is a call for other ministers to come and attend question-and-answer sessions.”

The issue sparked heated debate in the Senate to the extent the temporary Speaker chief Fortune Charumbira said called for the presiding officers of Parliament, Speaker of the National Assembly Jacob Mudenda and President of Senate Edna Madzongwe, to look into the issue and rein in the truant ministers.

“The Parliament Standing Rules and Orders say that if a minister does not attend question and answer sessions it is contempt of Parliament, and I think a committee should be set up to investigate why ministers are behaving like that,” Charumbira said.

Last week, Mudenda read the riot act on ministers and MPs, saying ministers were in the habit of bunking question-and-answer sessions, while MPs left the House during debates, resulting in lack of quorum.

Since 2013, when Madzongwe and Mudenda took up posts as presiding officers of Parliament, ministers have been constantly berated for bunking question-and-answer sessions, but there has been very little improvement in correcting that anomaly.

Ministers Ignatius Chombo (Home Affairs), Samuel Undenge (Energy) and Sithembiso Nyoni (Small and Medium Enterprises), who were at one time notorious for truancy, have been faithfully attending sessions.

Opposition MPs have said the most truant ministers during National Assembly question-and-answer sessions are ministers Simbarashe Mumbengegwi (Foreign Affairs), David Parirenyatwa (Health and Child Care), Jonathan Moyo (Higher Education), Christopher Mushowe (Information), Nyasha Chikwinya (Women Affairs), Patrick Zhuwao (Youth), Simon Khaya Moyo (Policy Co-ordination), Kembo Mohadi (State Security) and Sydney Sekeramayi (Defence).

Although Sekeramayi attends Senate on Thursday during question-and-answer sessions, he rarely attends Wednesday’s question-and-answer session, while Mumbengegwi only shows up when President Robert Mugabe is in Parliament.

Those that often attend question-and-answer sessions regularly include ministers Dokora, Saviour Kasukuwere (Local Government), Joram Gumbo (Transport), Walter Mzembi (Tourism), Makhosini Hlongwane (Sports), Supa Mandiwanzira (Information Communication Technology), Prisca Mupfumira (Public Service) and Mike Bimha (Industry).

Mnangagwa’s attendance has been excellent, and he has taken questions pertaining to the ministries of truant ministers in their absence.

Ministers’ parliamentary truancy riles senators : NewsDay Zimbabwe.

PUBLIC hearings on Bills that are conducted by parliamentary portfolio committees are supposed to create engagement between the legislature and ordinary Zimbabweans in a participatory democracy where the people air their views, but experience has shown the opposite happening.

BY VENERANDA LANGA

While these public hearings are helpful in order for people to have a say in laws being passed in Parliament, they have at times turned violent with some rowdy elements disrupting the meetings and members of the public and MPs assaulted or threatened.

At times the people that cause mischief at these public hearings are actually sponsored by political parties or MPs, particularly if the Bill in question has political implications.

A coordinator of the National Residents Forum, Denford Ngadziore, was beaten up during a public hearing by the Parliamentary Portfolio Committee on Local Government that was held at Rainbow Towers in Harare to gather people’s views on the Local Government Laws Amendment Bill.

The Bill became highly politicised with the opposition and different residents’ unions regarding it as a ploy by Local Government Minister Saviour Kasukuwere to pave the way for him to wrest more land from local authorities in order to dish it out to the people to buy support for Zanu PF during the 2018 elections.

“Parliament must beef up security during public hearings because I was severely beaten up when I made my contributions that did not go down well with views of others. People sloganeer and some come ready for a fight after getting instructions from political parties, and this deters other citizens from wanting to attend public hearings to air their views,” Ngadziore said.

“At times Parliament invites members of the public to attend public hearings at Parliament building, and entering that building is too restrictive because they require national identity cards. Those that lost their IDs cannot enter to participate in public hearings.”

Ngadziore said public hearings on Bills were a waste of tax payer’s money because very often during crafting of the Bill the people’s views were ignored.

“These are public funds where Parliament and organisations that support it spend millions of dollars to gather views, but very often participation is low because MPs do not go to their constituents before the public hearings to educate people about the implications of the Bill and how members of the public can participate in the law making process. The result is often very low turnout in these public hearings,” he said.

The most recent victims of violence during a public hearing were the chairperson of the Parliamentary Portfolio Committee on Justice Jessie Majome, and members of the committee Priscilla Misihairabwi-Mushonga and Innocent Gonese. Majome was beaten up in Mutare, and Misihairabwi-Mushonga and Gonese were threatened, and their notes torn.

The Bill that was being discussed had to do with electoral amendments and emotions were very high as different political parties in the country viewed it as an important piece of legislation that would influence the forthcoming 2018 national elections.

Zachariah Mushawatu, a political science university graduate and former Zinasu spokesperson, said Parliament must ensure that they choose its venues that can be easily accessed by members of the public.

“Parliament building is a very stringent place to enter in terms of security and how they then treat people. There is also the issue of space where very often public hearings are held in the Senate which is too small to take in a high turnout,” Mushawatu said.

He said one of the biggest challenges with parliamentary public hearings on Bills was that the people were not informed about the meetings on time.

“Some invitations by Parliamentary Portfolio Committees to attend public hearings on Bills are sent a day before that meeting is held. Other venues that they use are hotels and some people with low incomes might not be comfortable to access those places,” he said.

Gweru resident, Silver Bhebe said he was unhappy that at times members of the public were consulted to air their views when government has already implemented the law.

“An example is the issue of the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe Amendment Bill to make the use of bond notes effective where Parliament consulted people in public hearings when the bond notes were already in circulation. It totally disrespects the people. They cannot consult people for public hearings when it is already too late,” he said.

“Parliament must be sincere and consult people on time. Consulting people when something has already been implemented is not proper as their views will not be considered. The impression we are given is that Parliament is just a rubber stamp of laws already crafted by the Executive. Maybe it is an issue of lack of funding for MPs to move around collecting our views, because we have observed that some remote places are not visited when collecting views.”

Besides conducting public hearings, Parliament has other methods such as feeding comments on their website and written submissions that they use to collect views from the public on Bills and other issues.

In his recent blog post on the Parliament website, clerk of Parliament Kennedy Chokuda said there were successes in terms of people’s views being considered when crafting Bills.

“It has been a widely held view and, I must concede, sometimes not without justification, that Parliament is oftentimes a rubber stamp institution incapable of holding the Executive to account for its actions. There has also been a growing perception that the input by the public in the legislative process is not taken seriously either by the Executive or Parliament itself.

“Regrettably, members of the public have opted to shun public hearings by Parliamentary Committees on important legislation that affects their livelihoods owing to this ‘mis-perception.’ I am proud to report that the outcome of public hearings conducted during the Third Session of the Eighth Parliament have confounded this long-held belief,” Chokuda said.

He said an example was the National Peace and Reconciliation Commission Bill which was withdrawn by the Executive as a result of concerns raised by members of the public during public hearings on the Bill.

“The concerned Ministry is now working on an improved draft which takes into account the issues raised by the public during the public consultations. In addition, public input was used by the Executive to effect amendments to such Bills as the Finance Bill No. 2 of 2016, the Criminal Procedure and Evidence Amendment Bill, the Labour Amendment Bill and the General Laws Amendment Bill all of which are now Acts of Parliament.”

The Clerk of Parliament said there were several Bills that were amended following submissions by the public, adding participating in public hearings by members of the public was imperative.

Violence, intimidation mar Parliament public hearings : NewsDay Zimbabwe.

FOLLOWING the invasion of present-day Zimbabwe, Cecil John Rhodes’ British South Africa Company (BSAC) established a “Loot Committee” in 1895 to take charge of the plunder of the country’s natural resources.

BY RICHARD CHIDZA

President-Robert-Mugabe

The colony was aptly named Rhodesia and fell under BSAC management until Britain granted it its first constitution in 1923. Zanu PF is President Robert Mugabe’s version of the BSAC. Mugabe seems to have followed suit. His government is virtually a re-incarnation of Rhodes’ Loot Committee. Mugabe will be 93 in just under eight weeks and with each passing day pushing towards his coveted century. As has become the norm, Mugabe’s regime, represented by motor-mouth wife First Lady Grace and the motely group of cohorts who make up his Cabinet team continued with its feeding frenzy in anticipation of the nonagenarian’s demise.

Instead of finding solutions to the deepening problems Zimbabwe is facing, Mugabe’s government has found time to loot, rob, pilfer and literally rape the country’s national economy systematically. None of those in the bloated Cabinet deserve any marks and NewsDay tries to make an evaluation of their performances, if one can call it that.
Meanwhile, the groaning from Zimbabweans seemed to have reached a crescendo with no end in sight to the pain and suffering. Mugabe and his over 30 ministers are literally driving Zimbabwe back to the dark ages amid corruption scandals that could torpedo the whole Executive.

MUGABE: It would be almost criminal to expect much from him given reports from insiders that he is sleeping most of the time. When he finally comes to, Mugabe found himself rejected by his wartime colleagues in the war veterans fraternity through a damning communiqué in July. That among his most notable achievements in 2016 was the official opening of an Internet café at the recent Zanu PF 16th annual conference in Masvingo speaks volumes about how the mighty have fallen. 0/10

Emmerson Mnangagwa (VP)

He is still nurturing ambitions to succeed Mugabe after over 50 years of loyal service as the veteran politician’s ‘most trusted lieutenant’, although publicly he has denied harbouring such plans. However, 2016 has been his most difficult years with open opposition to his bid from within led by Higher and Tertiary Education minister Jonathan Moyo. Mnangagwa has reportedly received backing from Britain in particular and sections within the US government despite his links to the Gukurahundi genocide that reportedly claimed over 20 000 civilians in the Midlands and Matabeleland regions in the early years of independence. For his part, Mnangagwa has sought to project himself as a voice of reason and pragmatist admitting a change of policy direction is required if Zimbabwe is to be revived. He heads government’s ambitious command agriculture programme, but weak monitoring of inputs distribution remains its Achilles heel. Mnangagwa has also been sucked into the intriguing battle to find a successor to Chief Justice Godfrey Chidyausiku and his denial of involvement in the Gukurahundi atrocities could be a double edged sword to his long-term ambition. He however is one of a few who tried to do their job but the poisoned political environment and his ambition remain an albatross to the little he can do. 2/10

Phelekezela Mphoko (VP)

Attracted the moniker “Le huku” (The Chicken) after his programme to give chicks to communities mainly in Bulawayo. But Mphoko will go down in history as probably the worst of Mugabe’s choices for VP. Despite massive criticism and demonstrations, Mphoko obstinately remained holed up in an upmarket hotel for over a year as authorities tried to find him a befitting home. The VP also made headlines after he threatened to strip naked at a police station in order to force officers to release “my boys”. Two senior executives from the Zimbabwe National Roads Administration had been arrested for suspected graft and Mphoko could have none of it. The VP has “scandal” tattooed to his forehead. 0/10

Patrick Chinamasa (Finance)

He has fought a lone battle to have Zimbabwe readmitted as a member of the international finance system, but found Zanu PF’s populist politics standing in his way. That Zimbabwe still has a modicum of functionalism as State should be credited to Chinamasa. However, his bid to rationalise government expenditure especially regarding the salary bill proved a bridge too far. Under his watch Zimbabwe is spending a record 98 cents per dollar collected on wages. While most would admit Chinamasa is a workaholic, the former Attorney-General does not have the political stomach to confront Mugabe and tell him “what he does not want to hear” or a few painful truths. The bond notes introduction will be part of his soiled legacy as Treasury chief, but Chinamasa’s successful re-engagement efforts with international finance institutions makes him a cut above the rest. 4/10

Ignatius Chombo (Home Affairs)

Reported to be one of the most corrupt Cabinet minister only rivalled by Obert Mpofu, Chombo was found wanting when Higher and Tertiary Education minister Jonathan Moyo was presented to him on a platter by the Zimbabwe Anti-Corruption Commission over embezzlement of over $430 000 at the Zimbabwe Manpower Development Fund. The Zimbabwe Republic Police, which falls under his ambit, continues to harass citizens demanding cash when it is clear to all there is none. The use of roadblocks to fleece poor citizens also continues unabated and the money is still unaccounted for. 1/10

Walter Chidakwa (Mines)

One of the many Mugabe relatives, Chidakwa in one swoop stopped all diamond mining activities in the Chiadzwa diamond fields, but his much-vaunted Zimbabwe Consolidated Diamond Company is still to get off the ground over half a year later. If anything, it’s chaos all-round the mining sector and the country’s coffers have run dry. Out of his depth bar, the shouting. 0/10

Obert Mpofu (Macro-Economic Planning)

Mpofu knows not what he is supposed to be doing. Our government has a clear policy to “strike fear in the heart of the investor”, yet the burly minister is supposed to create an enabling environment to attract investment. It’s a paradox that only Mugabe can explain when he wakes up. 0/10

Saviour Kasukuwere (Local Government)

Replaced Chombo lock-stock and barrel as the scourge of local authorities. In his first full year in-charge, Kasukuwere has left Harare running without a town clerk after he vetoed the city’s choice of career banker James Mushore. Bulawayo only recently had the chance to appoint one, Mutare does not have a town clerk, while Gweru is being run by a three-member commission. However, while Chombo was in-charge of local authorities when government embarked on what became known as Operation Murambatsvina/Drive out the filth in the winter of 2005, Kasukuwere has sought to create more slums probably to provide another reason for inflicting pain on the poor. Under his watch, the Local Government ministry has set about doling out stands haphazardly across the country creating an infrastructural nightmare for municipalities as he mixes his ministerial and Zanu PF commissariat duties to create anarchy ahead of the 2018 elections. 0/10

Jonathan Moyo (Higher and Tertiary Education)

Factional buddies with Kasukuwere, Moyo is facing jail for theft of trust funds from the Zimbabwe Manpower Development Fund. The self-proclaimed Zimbabwean version of Robin Hood has thumbed his nose at the Zimbabwe Anti-Corruption Commission to the extent of arguing he is actually in the right. Moyo has a knack of making most of his situation and after being moved to the Higher Education ministry from the “prestigious Information” portfolio then seen as a demotion, the Nutty Professor found money where Chinamasa could find none. Moyo’s (Science Technology, Engineering and Mathematics) STEM initiative found funding at a time government was failing to pay its workers, but the Zimdef scandal took away the shine from an otherwise great initiative. 1/10

Patrick Zhuwao (Youth and Indigenisation)

Lost in translation and the maze of what government means. It took his uncle President Mugabe to issue a decree reminding him that expropriation of companies posed a threat to investment. Otherwise, Zhuwao’s chilling warning to the few operational firms could have sounded the death knell to a limping economy. Has no idea what he is supposed to be doing, likely got his job because of who he is than what he is capable of doing or what is between his ears. 0/10

Lazarus Dokora (Primary and Secondary Education)

A reincarnation of the legendary Aeneas Chigwedere at the same ministry. The announcement that there are 3 000 Form One places available in a country that has over 400 000 children looking for places is as stupid as they come. Introduced the infamous national pledge in a bid to outdo Chigwedere’s one uniform policy. Only Mphoko will rival him for the “Fool of the Year gong”. 0/10

David Parirenyatwa (Health)

There is no health to talk about and Parirenyatwa could do well to just keep his peace. This is hoping he does not invoke the late Sikhanyiso Ndlovu’s “Cholera is a British creation” gaffe in the wake of reports of a looming typhoid outbreak. 0/10

Kembo Mohadi (State Security)

At over 70 years old, Mohadi’s only claim to fame is getting a hankie that is supposed to help him succeed Mugabe from some obscure fetish priest. 0/10

Joseph Made (Agriculture)

With command agriculture having been taken away from him, Made might need a helicopter to assess the maize crop and prematurely announce another bumper harvest. His face tells it all. 0/10

Walter Mzembi (Tourism)

Has largely concentrated on his upcoming election to the United Nations World Tourism Organisation as secretary general. Mzembi, however, remains a great ambassador for the country, but his yelps are against a growing tide. He argued against the introduction of bond notes noting this would kill the tourism industry, but his warnings fell on deaf ears. Mzembi was urging adoption of the Rand Monetary Union. 2/10

Oppah Muchinguri (Environment)

Another lost soul, she could not sustain the fight to persuade the Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species (CITES) to allow Zimbabwe to dispose of its excess ivory stockpile. However, the chaos in the country’s conservancies has receded and it seems she has shut the door on animal exports. But carnage continues in the mining and other sectors with environmental degradation of unmatched proportions including use of dangerous chemicals. 2/10

Sithembiso Nyoni (SMEs)

Was forced into a coil after Kasukuwere took over all co-operatives and ran the show regarding the stands debacle hence she was left with “nothing in the in-tray”. 0/10

Makhosini Hlongwane (Sports)

Looked like a clown, holding one Press conference after another with little in the form of substance. Maybe forgiven, he is a professional journalist and likely loves to see his colleagues more than anyone else. 1/10

Supa Mandiwanzira (ICTs)

Another journalist-turned-politician but ready to turn against his own using the Cyber Bill reportedly copy-pasted from Lesotho. 1/10

Joram Gumbo (Transport)

The state of the nation’s roads should have been declared a state of disaster a long time ago. Gumbo is presiding over his first ministry but took charge of a bureaucracy that has been around forever. Could have done better than inking a few shadowy deals amid reports that top Zanu PF officials are already waiting for contracts to milk dry the coffers funding the rehabilitation of the Beitbridge-Chirundu highway. 2/10

Tshinga Dube (War Veterans)

Might as well be assigned to a ministry titled Political Affairs. Mugabe used to have one. Dube spent most of his time trying to convince war veterans to reverse their decision to dump Mugabe. 0/10

Christopher Mushohwe (Information)

The media remains under siege. Mushohwe has allowed a faction of Zanu PF to use the State media to its advantage. He could do well as director of State Residencies. 1/10

Absent without leave (AWOL)

Mike Bimha, Samuel Undenge, Douglas Mombeshora, Simbarashe Mumbengegwi, Sydney Sekeramayi, Priscah Mupfumira and Nyasha Chikwinya.

Mugabe’s ‘Loot Committee’ : NewsDay Zimbabwe.

AFRICA’S former colonial rulers are engaged in a delicate dance, as China encroaches on its military dominance of the continent.

M&G

The scramble for Africa continues as China encroaches on its military dominance of the continent.

Talk of “partnerships” and “co-operation” for the general benefit of African nations marks the discourse, though there has been little direct engagement between Sino and European Union forces.

With China “reinterpreting” its non-interference policy, as its economic investment in the region increases and EU defence policy repositioning itself in relation to the Trump presidency in the United States, both desire stability in Africa.

EU member states have had a long history within Africa. Stemming from colonial times, these relations have morphed into long-term diplomatic ties. Some see it as a protection of economic interests and resources or a fight against migration and terrorism, rather than a simple desire for development and stability. In current times, more attention has been focused on military intervention, peacekeeping and training.

Although the EU has about eight missions in Africa, including the military missions in Mali, Somali, Niger and Central African Republic, there’s a new power on the block. China, most commonly providing infrastructure aid to Africa, is now more than ever engaging in United Nations missions, particularly for the stabilisation of Mali, South Sudan and Sudan.

Unlike the EU’s, all of China’s military missions in Africa involve the UN. Of the nine peacekeeping operations in Africa, China is involved in seven of them, more than any other UN Security Council member.

Researchers and journalists have speculated that this increased Chinese military presence, may present a threat to the long-standing historical relations between the EU and African states. But a European External Action Service (EEAS) official says, African states take a more positive view of China’s increased presence. The EEAS is “not looking at China’s interests from a rivalry perspective, more from a partnership perspective, to see what can be done. We look at it from a perspective of how we can work together with international partners on specific issues, for the benefit of Africa.”

The EU says it welcomes China’s increased engagement in UN peacekeeping operations in Africa, since “we can’t be the only security provider when a crisis occurs”.

A University of Kent lecturer in international security, Toni Haastrup, believes there is space for the EU and China to co-operate in regional solutions in Africa, though whether they will actually do it is another question.
“The Africans can only benefit from it [co-operation],” Haastrup says, adding that it makes sense to deal with China and the EU as one, “instead of a dividing and conquering situation.

“Of course, if you think you can get money, or aid, or support from different types of actors then of course you want to exploit that, but it’s not very effective with actually dealing with the security challenges of the continent,” she says.

The EU is now putting more effort into defence. The European Commission has proposed the creation of an EU defence union because of US president-elect Donald Trump, who has an unsavoury view of Nato. Future EU budgets will also look to set aside money for research, internal troop movements, the establishment of multinational forces and EU headquarters.

Haastrup says this shift in security and defence policy is becoming more about Europe combating terrorism, and less about the security of other regions, such as Africa.

China is also increasing its focus on defence and it has announced it will build a “support facility” in Djibouti, a country in the Horn of Africa that already hosts American and French military bases. Beijing has been careful not to refer to the facility as a military base and is defensive when the international media do so.

Semantics aside, the facility in Djibouti will make it easier to deploy troops when necessary, whether it is about providing training when Africa requests it or whether it is to protect Chinese economic interests and its citizens.

“When you build a military base, you’re saying you see security in a very specific way, which is militarised,” says Haastrup.

The deputy director of the European Council on Foreign Relations Asia and China Programme, Mathieu Duchâtel, doesn’t believe China is overstepping its foreign policy of non-interference and no military bases, at least not yet.

“What China is doing is reinterpreting the limits of the non-interference principle, in the sense of greater engagement, but so far it hasn’t been interfering in internal affairs of the state in the region,” Duchâtel says.
But the core of China’s involvement in Africa still lies with UN peacekeeping operations. “Europe needs to take stock of this changing reality and China should not be ignored. It’s a major player in African security.”

But when it comes to concrete examples of co-operation between the two power blocs, they are limited.

So what is standing in the way? China places fewer conditions on support than the EU does. The EU requires an adherence to human rights and rule of law, which, Haastrup says, favours China, which gives African elites easier access to aid.

Amnesty International’s researcher on military and policing issues, Patrick Wilcken, says adherence to the rule of law is an obstacle to co-operation. China is exporting more and more sophisticated arms around the world, and it is notoriously opaque about it

“China often doesn’t have very rigorous controls on who it’s sending arms to and it doesn’t explicitly take human rights concerns into consideration when agreeing arms deals,” Wilcken says.

Chinese weapons have been found throughout Africa, often coming out of South Sudan and illicitly sold on or trafficked. If the arms trade is not monitored, it is easy for any side of a conflict to get their hands on the arms, which then undermines peacekeeping and military missions.

“Clearly [this] is undermining peace and security and causes extremely serious human rights violations on all sides,” Wilcken says.

Another obstacle to co-operation is citizen interest. As Duchâtel says, even Chinese citizens don’t favour their state’s investment in Africa.

“The government thinks that the population dislikes this aspect of foreign policy because they have their own development problems inside China, and public money is directed to the development of a third state,” Duchâtel says.

Furthermore, it’s not just the EU that may have an issue with China’s less strict human rights record. The editor of the African Union Peace and Security Council report, Liesl Louw, says it’s African citizens too. “Ordinary Africans that are fighting for their human rights, democracy and free elections might have another opinion,” Louw says.

Having external military powers in Africa and the possibility of co-operation also becomes about how Africans can best use what these external actors can bring. African states can say: “EU, you’re not the only game in town”. But also, “China, we have worked with the EU quite well in certain aspects”.

In the future, there will be more players rather than less and, if there is co-operation, it should be on Africans’ terms.

The AU is saying it needs more than military training missions. “It’s fine to train armies but, if they don’t have any capacity in terms of aeroplanes etcetera, it’s hardly worth it,” Louw says.

The AU needs funding, such as assessed contributions by the UN, ensuring a steady stream of money for its own missions. This would enable its efforts not to be so ad hoc.

“What is really happening is, China says, ‘oh, we’ll give you a million dollars for this’, then someone else comes up and says, ‘we’ll give you a few planes, or lend you some for something elswe’. So the AU can’t make long-term plans,” Louw adds.

“In the short term, any money will be welcome,” she says, and support through military co-operation could bring benefits. It would ensure each side isn’t so focused on their own vested interests, for instance on oil and easing the flow of migration, and, therefore, have a joint effort and focus of money where Africa needs it most.

If the hurdles, such as China’s poor track record of regulating arms sales and human rights abuses are reigned in, co-operation is possible. As an EEAS official says: “A more stable Africa means a more prosperous Africa, which is in the interest of them but also for both China and Europe.”

European Union, China in race for Africa : NewsDay Zimbabwe.

Climate change-induced disasters will keep on coming, as sure as the sun rises.

IRIN

Two consecutive droughts have hit Zimbabwe and many are finding it hard to fend for their families

But rather than governments and aid agencies swinging into belated –— often chaotic — action after they’ve struck, the smarter move is to strengthen communities by building their resistance ahead of time.

It’s cheaper, faster, and devolves more control to the affected communities.

But while resilience has long been a buzzword among aid agencies and governments alike, it’s difficult to gauge yet how effective the measures have been.

Zimbabwe is a good place both to highlight the need to develop people’s resistance to “shocks” and to illustrate how difficult it is to put that idea into practice.

Agriculture is a key sector of the economy. It employs 60% to 70% of the population, contributes to about 40% of total export earnings, and, in a good year, covers the country’s cereal needs.

But Zimbabwean agriculture is mostly rain-fed, and, therefore, vulnerable to climate change-induced drought.
An El Niño event in 2015 has produced two consecutive seasons of failed rains.

The cumulative result is that more than four million people are in need of food aid over the next three months, until the 2017 harvest comes in.

Worse to come

And the forecast is for worse weather to come. A 2013 study predicted that between now and 2080, Zimbabwe will suffer steeply reduced rainfall, which will hit production of drought-sensitive maize, further denting food security.

The trend has been clear for more than a decade. But the government and aid partners seem to have made the short-term calculation that the next season will be better, preferring to resort to emergency relief when disaster strikes than to spend on longer-term solutions.

For the government, the primary reason is it’s broke. Last year, it struggled to pay even public sector teachers and nurses.

“Zimbabwe has for more than a decade faced numerous economic, environmental and political pressures that have probably proved to be too much for the government to effectively promote resilience,” climate researcher, Leonard Unganai said.

“It is evidently aware that it has to do something, but the challenges could have also overwhelmed it.”

In almost every year out of the last 15, Zimbabwe has been forced to import grain. More than 200 000 metric tonnes of maize was imported in 2016.

That’s well short of the 1,7 million metric tonnes the country actually needed, but seemingly all the cash-strapped government could afford.

The burden has, therefore, fallen on its aid partners. Zimbabwe received $177,7 million in aid funding in 2016, but that represents only roughly 50% of the overall appeal.

Clearly, charity has its limits.

“Traditional approaches to humanitarian and development assistance have not been very successful in minimising the impacts of disasters on communities,” United Nations Development Programme Resident Representative Bishow Parajuli said.

What are needed are interventions that “enhance communities’ and individuals’ preparedness and resilience,” he said at last year’s launch of the Zimbabwe Resilience Building Fund (ZRBF).

“Building the resilience of communities helps them to be prepared to anticipate, absorb, accommodate, or recover from crises and disasters in a timely, efficient, and sustainable manner,” David Phiri, Southern Africa co-ordinator for the UN’s Food and Agriculture Organisation (FAO), said.

Interventions

Resilience building is not a new phenomenon. It’s a fashionable phrase included in just about every humanitarian and development document.

It has institutional support expressed through the 2005-2015 Hyogo Framework of Action, and its successor, the Sendai Framework.

But while the goals of addressing the underlying vulnerabilities that lead to humanitarian crisis are laudable, it has proved difficult to fully harness as an organising principle.

Its grassroots focus means it requires time-consuming local consultations; needs astute analysis as to why people are at risk; and then inter-agency collaboration to help deliver the appropriate interventions.

This is more bespoke than the usual cookie-cutter approach to aid.

“Many donors traditionally fund either emergency or development initiatives, meaning that resilience … tends to be underfunded,” Phiri explained.

“However, donor interest is now slowly building towards supporting resilience building projects.”

There is indeed a raft of initiatives under way in Zimbabwe.

Development agencies jointly launched the ZRBF in May in conjunction with the government and with support from the European Union and the United Kingdom Department for International Development.

It includes a multi-donor fund to enable partners to improve the adaptive, absorptive and transformative capacities of communities, and a disaster risk financing mechanism to promote reliable prediction and management of climate-induced shocks.

It also entails identifying vulnerable communities to target with the appropriate resilience measures.

Does it work?

Other initiatives include the 2016-20 Zimbabwe United Nations Development Assistance Framework, which includes a resilience building component to help strengthen household food and nutrition security.

The United States Agency for International Development is also involved in development and food assistance programmes worth $100m over the next five years aimed at addressing the underlying causes of food insecurity and malnutrition.

World Food Programme is also training farmers on climate change adaptation, including encouraging the adoption of small grains and short-season varieties, and FAO is scaling up its irrigation support programme and its climate smart agriculture programmes.

None of these schemes is a magic bullet. One obvious constraint with such interventions is that they reach only a limited number of communities because of funding and resource constraints.

Phiri also bemoaned the conservatism of farmers, which he believed was one reason for the slow adoption of resilience initiatives.

“This [slowness] requires patience and commitment in demonstrating the benefits of appropriate food production technologies that help communities in mitigating the threats and risks,” he said.

It’s too early to tell if these interventions will eventually work.

But they do offer an alternative to traditional disaster responses, which step in only after communities have already lost assets and livelihoods. — IRIN

More than a buzzword? Resilience to climate change in Zimbabwe : NewsDay Zimbabwe.

AMID the national uproar over government policy inconsistencies relating to the information and communication technology (ICT) sector, rural Zimbabweans, who continue to dream of joining the so-called information superhighway, remain on the edge. The steep tariff increase and its subsequent reversal represents the uncertainty that continues to dog President Robert Mugabe’s paranoid administration that seems to see shadows at every corner.

By Jairos Saunyama

Education authorities should accept infrastructural limitations which stop the nation from fully developing ICTs in rural areas

Munashe Mushoriwa (13), the head-boy at Mangoro Primary School in Chikomba East constituency, aptly summed up the mood of the majority of Zimbabweans living in rural areas when he stunned a recent gathering straying from his prepared speech to literally set the cat among the pigeons after pleading for internet facilities at a time government seems bent on stifling access to the information.

With the crowd anticipating a speech that was related to the event, the official handover of a borehole that also benefits his community, the young boy had other ideas.

“We are grateful for the borehole at this school, but my plea to the MP is that we need ICT facilities at this school so that we will be well-equipped with necessary skills,” Munashe said, defying his age.

Guest of honour and MP, Edgar Mbwembwe, who doubles as Foreign Affairs deputy minister, could not help, but applaud before committing to ensure Munashe’s wishes were realised.

Despite, his school being located at the centre of a rural setup in Chirasauta, Chivhu, with no hope of having electricity anytime soon, given how far the nearest electric lines are, Munashe feels that along with millions of other children, they are holding the wrong end of the stick when it comes to ICTs despite public posturing by government officials.

“I hear that those in the urban areas are way ahead of us. We want computers and internet here. Yes, there is no electricity, but we can use other sources of energy like solar. Most of us in Chirasauta and other areas have never operated a computer. We are lagging behind,” Munashe said in an interview after the event.

Not so long ago, people believed in a number of mysteries, for example that lightning can “lay eggs”.

But today, due to modernisation, Munashe and other children in Chirasauta have an idea of the benefits of ICTs thanks to their pervasive nature, but threats loom large every day. The government’s controversial idea to raise mobile data charges only goes to show, the struggle is yet to be won.

The ever-growing disparity, also known as the digital divide, seemingly continues to grow unabated. A snap survey by NewsDay Weekender in Mashonaland East province revealed that most rural schools have empty computer laboratories, while others cannot equip the laboratories due to unavailability of power.

“There is no power in this area and we do not have any hope that we will get it anytime soon. We do not have money to purchase the computers, let alone to secure an alternative power system,” a secondary school science teacher in Wedza South Constituency, who declined to be named, said.

Over the last few years, President Robert Mugabe has donated computer equipment to a number of rural schools amid claims unidentified people have returned in the dead of night to “steal” the donated computers so they can be given out at another school.

ICT expert, Samuel Chindaro said it is important for responsible authorities to accept infrastructural limitations, which stop the nation from fully developing ICTs in rural areas.

He said the government should come up and enforce a national curriculum from primary level that embraces the fundamentals of ICTs.

“Government must understand that ICTs are not only about accessing the internet; but it is about various concepts that are embraced. ICTs include use of the TV, radio, mobile phones and their various applications and even the use of the ordinary post office,” Chindaro said.

Zimbabwe has only one television broadcaster and the few “privately-owned” radio station licences were given to people connected to the current administration.

Chindaro said the government also needs to come up with a curriculum that embraces ICTs, but cognisant of national limitations.

“There is so much obsession with accessing the internet as a basis for teaching or introducing ICTs in rural areas, neglecting the fact that accessing the internet is something that can be simulated for teaching purposes,” he said.

Another ICT expert, who declined to be named, agreed with public sentiments that government’s move through the Postal and Telecommunication Regulatory Authority of Zimbabwe (Potraz) to effect increases of mobile data was a ploy to freeze out ordinary citizens from social media, which has proven to be a potent tool in opposing Mugabe.

Groups such as #ThisFlag, Tajamuka/Sesijikile last year used social media to organise successful demonstrations against Mugabe. Given the fear pervading Mugabe’s government ahead of elections expected in the first half of 2018, Munashe and other rural Zimbabweans should brace for more such moves from the government to stifle access to the internet rather than a complete liberalisation.

“Government, through Potraz, wants to deal with social media, but their move has negative effects on the whole issue of internet access. It is mind boggling to celebrate a 2 500% tariff hike in 21st century and in a time we are all advocating for e-life.

“E-learners are affected by the cost of data because, now, the number of local reservations will go down. There are students, who use internet for their researches, while other institutions have e-learning platforms. E-commerce has been affected as well, media houses too, it will be difficult to read online news,” said the expert.

ICT minister Supa Mandiwanzira reacted to public anger by reversing the charges, with Potraz passing blame to mobile telecommunications operators for the increases. The result has been messy, with the country’s largest operator, bearing the brunt of public outrage.

“I share and sympathise with concerns expressed by the multitudes of Zimbabwean internet users that the recently effected data prices are unparalleled and extortionist,” he said in a statement seen as a major climbdown.

For now, Munashe’s hopes remain a pipe-dream until the government stops politicking with his and other rural children’s lives.

Tears of an ICT-deprived rural pupil : NewsDay Zimbabwe.

Only a third of Africans believe that votes in elections are always counted fairly, according to a survey conducted by Afrobarometer.

mgafrica

One of the longest-serving members of the “old boys clubs” of African presidents, shocked observers and citizens alike by announcing he would step down as president before Angola’s 2017 elections

As many an African can attest, this is a major problem as a disputed poll can become tinder for violent protests and instability, and a despondent public’s faith in democratic processes diminishes and participation in polls suffers.

Afrobarometer, a pan-African, non-partisan research network, uses the surveys as a way to gauge public attitudes on democracy, governance, economic conditions, and related issues across more than 30 countries in Africa. Because at least 25 African countries are conducting national elections in 2016-2017, much scrutiny is being focused on election management bodies.

Last year, Ghana — the so-called “African beacon of democracy” — elected Nana Akufo-Addo, as its new president.
Several incumbent presidents, including Edgar Lungu of Zambia, Uganda’s Yoweri Museveni and Ali Bongo Ondimba of Gabon managed to keep their positions despite arrests, instability and protests. Gambia’s Yahya Jammeh, who held power for 22 years, conceded defeat on live television, only to backtrack days later, vehemently rejecting the outcome of the elections.

Here are the key elections to watch and a handy calendar produced by the Electoral Institute for Sustainable Democracy in Africa (EISA), as millions of Africans embark on their democratic journey by conducting presidential, legislative and municipal elections.

Democratic Republic of the Congo — TBC

The DRC is the fourth most populous nation in Africa, and free and fair elections in the mineral-rich country could bolster democracy in other parts of sub-Saharan Africa.

Tensions in the DRC boiled over in September 2016, when it became apparent that President Joseph Kabila intended to amend the Constitution to extend his term.

On December 31, 2016, members of the Roman Catholic Church, government and opposition members concluded a deal with Kabila that could see him step down after the 2017 election. The agreement followed deadly protests when Kabila’s constitutionally mandated second term ended on December 19 without any indication of his exit.

As part of the deal, a transitional government will be appointed by March, and the elections will take place before the end of the year. Should this take place, it will be the first peaceful transfer of power since independence in 1960. A peaceful transition could prevent a return to war, where an estimated five million people were killed in a civil war that lasted 19 years. Moise Katumbi, a popular and frequently detained politician, is expected to run to against Kabila.

Beyond the election, whoever takes the helm, will face the gargantuan task of addressing the economic, humanitarian and political instabilities that continue to plague the DRC.

Somaliland — March

Somaliland declared independence from Somalia in 1991 following the outbreak of civil war. The regional administration, however, lacks international recognition as an independent state. Talks between Somaliland and Somalia continued in early 2015, but stalled in March amid disagreements about the composition of the Somali negotiating team.

In May 2015, Somaliland’s upper legislative chamber, the Guurti, announced that presidential and parliamentary elections would be postponed until 2017 and extended the current government’s term by two years.

This was allegedly owing to the unpreparedness of the country’s national elections committee. Incumbent President Ahmed Mohamed Mohamoud Silanyo’s approval of this move was later upheld by a court decision, officially delaying elections — which were postponed until March 2017.

Opposition parties expressed concern that the government was delaying election preparations, especially voter registration, in order to extend Silanyo’s term.

Somaliland’s government is accused of continuing to suppress dissent in the lead-up to the elections. Although the arrest and harassment of journalists has subsided, a climate of fear continues to characterise the media environment.

Angola — August

In a surprise move, one of the longest-serving members of the “old boys’ club” of African presidents, shocked observers and citizens alike by announcing he would step down as president before the 2017 elections. The rules in Angola are such that the leader of the victorious party automatically becomes president. President Jose Eduardo dos Santos will likely be replaced by his deputy, former Defence minister, João Lourenco. The dos Santos patriarch and his family have in the past drawn criticism for despotic behaviour, nepotism and amassing wealth using state resources. The August polls will be Angola’s fourth since it gained independence from Portugal in 1975 and if they go off without a hitch, the current government may get some much-needed PR.

Kenya — August

In August, Kenyans will go to the polls to elect thousands of public officials including the president, senators and members of the national and county assemblies. These elections will be a nail-biter: Can incumbent President Uhuru Kenyatta and his second-in-command Deputy President William Ruto survive? And will the country be able to stave off the ethnic and political violence that characterised previous elections?

Kenyatta and Ruto are in for a bumpy road to re-election, as a strengthening opposition will be using the government’s shortcomings — including a crumbling healthcare sector and rampant corruption — as a springboard to election. The opposition is yet to name their candidate but the likely choice is Raila Odinga.

Rwanda — August

President Paul Kagame said he will run for office again in elections in 2017 after voters approved a change to the constitution to allow him to seek a third term. “You requested me to lead the country again after 2017,” Kagame said in a 2016 New Year’s address emailed by the presidency in the capital, Kigali. The 58-year-old has governed the East African country since 2000, after he led a rebel army that ended the 1994 genocide in which 800 000 people were killed. The amendment would also enable him to stand in two subsequent elections for the future, with a reduced term limit of five years, potentially retaining the country’s top job until 2034.

Liberia — October

After 10 years in as Liberia’s first citizen, Africa’s first female President, Ellen Johnson-Sirleaf, has a lot to celebrate. While in office, she bagged a Nobel Peace Prize, deftly handled the Ebola crisis and passed a relatively progressive Freedom of Information bill.

In October 2017, one of Africa’s footballing greats, George Weah, hopes to take the reins of an economy bruised by the post-Ebola decline.

Weah lost out to Sirleaf-Johnson and this time around he will have face off with against Jewel Howard-Taylor, a powerful, twice-elected senator from Bong County, who is also the former-wife of former Liberian president and warlord, Charles Taylor. Another contender for the highest office in Liberia is Vice-President Joseph Boakai.

The African elections you need to keep an eye on in 2017 : NewsDay Zimbabwe.

What is it about Southern Africa that creates so many moral heavyweights? It seems that adversity and repression in that part of the world stimulate rather than inhibit, and bring out the best in its citizens in response to the worst in its rulers.

David Coltart

Hence, the region’s Nobel Prize winners and feisty clerics, outspoken parliamentarians and courageous activists.

Whatever the reason for the disproportionate number of these men and women, all prepared to confront power with truth, David Coltart, a 59-year-old Zimbabwe-born civil rights lawyer, deserves to join their ranks.

The Struggle Continues is not only a comprehensive indictment of President Robert Mugabe’s brutal regime, and the white minority governments that preceded it.

This is a magnificent, monumental, two-fingered act of defiance by an extraordinarily brave man, made all the more remarkable by the fact that nearly all the main culprits from Mugabe’s era are still alive — and that the author and his family still live in the southern Zimbabwean city of Bulawayo.

If a single theme emerges, it is Coltart’s belief that the rule of law and the principles of democracy will one day triumph, ending decades of tyranny imposed by Zimbabwe’s rulers, past and present, white as well as black.

After digesting his book, it seems clear, alas, that it will be a very long wait.

What Coltart calls “an autobiographical political history of Zimbabwe’s last six decades” begins with a lyrical description of a “blissful” childhood, albeit one that — as he readily acknowledges — was “oblivious to the reality of life for most black Rhodesians”.

He was still in his teens when political reality intruded in the form of the deepening confrontation between African nationalism and white resistance. A nightmare began.

Coltart, born in 1957, was just 17 when he chose to enrol in the police force rather than wait until the army would conscript him.

Within two years, he was on the front line of Rhodesia’s guerrilla war, the consequence of Prime Minister Ian Smith’s Unilateral Declaration of Independence from Britain in 1965.

Initially sympathetic to Smith, Coltart’s experience in the bush was life-changing. Above all, he learnt that “various interrogation methods, such as the use of waterboarding and electric shock treatment, were used to extract information from guerrillas.

“Bar talk in the mess,” he writes, “was full of gory detail of how guerrillas had ‘sung’ after being tortured … War had exposed wholesale depravity on all sides, and I was being sucked into it, relentlessly … Although I was aged just 19 at the time, I am ashamed that I did not do more then to prevent its use or speak out against it.”

Granted permission to leave the police and take up a place at the University of Cape Town, he had his first encounter with Mugabe, leader of Zanu PF, victor in the 1980 independence elections and the new Prime Minister of Zimbabwe.

In a telegram responding to a letter from Coltart, by then a supporter of the new government, we meet Mugabe the magnanimous, committing to “a policy of reconciliation, whereby, our people must put aside the hatreds and animosities of the past”. Inspired by this promise, Coltart returned to Zimbabwe to set up as a human rights lawyer.

He soon discovered that the country was beginning to “unravel”. Apartheid-era South Africa was determined to make life difficult for its neighbour, launching a sabotage campaign and supporting dissident former guerrillas.

Mugabe the magnanimous soon-to-became despot, was planning the subjugation of the southern province, stronghold then, as now, of the opposition.

To his horror, Coltart discovered that torture in the new Zimbabwe remained systemic. This time, however, he did not remain silent.

Some readers may find that his exhaustive account of how he went on to enter Zimbabwe’s brutal political arena tests their interest in a far-off land.

They should read on.

His account of his journey into Parliament as an opposition MP, becoming a respected minister of Education in a government of national unity, is more than an insider’s account of the machinations of power: it is a blow-by-blow analysis of Zimbabwe’s decline towards a failing state, with endemic corruption and a ruling party determined to retain power at all costs.

There is, however, a puzzling omission: there is not a reference to the destructive and bitter rivalry between the country’s Shona majority and the Ndebele of the south.

As for Mugabe, he emerges as an enigma. Coltart records the President’s solicitous inquiry after the health of his daughter, Bethany after she had been mauled by a caged lion. At the end of a cabinet meeting Mugabe took him aside to ask after her welfare: “He appeared genuinely concerned about her.”

It was “ironic”, notes Coltart, “given that operatives under his jurisdiction had done their best to kill me in Bethany’s presence seven years earlier”.

Politics in Zimbabwe is a strange as well as a nasty business. — Financial Times. The Struggle Continues; 50 years of Tyranny in Zimbabwe by David Coltart is being serialised by our sister paper, The Standard.

An insider’s account of Mugabe’s regime is also a brave act of defiance : NewsDay Zimbabwe.

CHIEF Justice (CJ) Godfrey Chidyausiku’s impending exit from the helm of Zimbabwe’s judiciary next month is as controversial as his assumption of that office in 2001 at the height of the chaotic and often violent land reform that killed commercial agriculture and rendered farm land dead capital.

BY PAIDAMOYO MUZULU

Chief Justice Godfrey Chidyausiku

Chidyausiku’s 16-year reign has had its highs and lows with far-reaching consequences on the legal landscape.

But it seems he has no regrets over the way he found himself suddenly at the apex of Zimbabwe’s justice system and apparently believes his imprint on the judiciary has been positive.

Chidyausiku thinks his legacy will be anchored on the land reform and gender balance on the bench.

A surprise appointment given Chidyausiku, then Judge President, got the nod ahead of senior jurists then in the Supreme Court such as the late highly-respected Wilson Sandura to succeed Anthony Gubbay, who hand been hounded out of office by President Robert Mugabe’s regime.

Before that promotion, Chidyausiku had handed the infamous Mhuriro ruling, which reversed Gubbay’s Supreme Court order that authorised eviction of land invaders.

In his final address to the judiciary last week, Chidyausiku reflected on the period with apparent nostalgia.

“I stood firm because I believed in the correctness of our decisions at law. My stance on constitutionalism then and today, as I leave the bench, has not changed. Given the same situation, I would today make the same decisions that I made in 2001 on the land issue because I believe that they are correct at law,” he said.

Chidyausiku also said his legacy would also be defined by the appointment of female judges to superior courts.
During his tenure, he oversaw the appointment of six female judges to the Supreme Court.

It must also be remembered that Chidyausiku, prior to joining the bench, had served as a deputy minister in Mugabe’s early independence administration, before he went on to become Attorney-General and the chairperson of the Constitutional Commission that was behind a rejected draft in 2000.

So, basically, he was one of them.

However, analysts say Chidyausiku would go down in the annals of history as the CJ who was beholden to the Executive and destroyed permanent employees’ job security.

Commentator, Ricky Mukonza says Chidyausiku’s reign is littered with judgments that have been friendly to the Executive.

“I think Chidyausiku has not demonstrated the kind of character that must go with that office. He has been found wanting in a number of situations and has shown leniency towards the Executive. He does not inspire confidence that is necessary for the judiciary to be seen to be independent,” he said.

Chidyausiku will also be remembered for having handed down the infamous Jealousy Mawarire judgment that paved the way for 2013 elections without adequate electoral reforms demanded by the opposition and the Zuva Petroleum ruling in July 2015 that legalised termination of permanent employees’ contracts on three months’ notice.

The Zuva judgment came as the Executive had started toying around with a labour flexibility policy.

A legal analyst, Dewa Mavhinga, chipped in: “Chidyausiku was viewed as malleable and open to Zanu PF and government influence given his past close links to the ruling party.”

Chidyausiku, in 1980, was elected into the first post-independence Parliament on a Zanu PF ticket and immediately appointed Local Government deputy minister by Mugabe.

As Attorney-General, he was as powerful as a Cabinet minister, as he also oversaw prosecutions.

This position also allowed him to sit as an ex-officio Member of Parliament and Cabinet besides being chief government legal adviser.

Lawyer and opposition People’s Democratic Party spokesman Jacob Mafume said Chidyausiku was a brilliant jurist, but goes into retirement with blemishes.

“He is an intelligent lawyer, very clever human being and colourful. The land issue will always mark his legacy, but as he rides off in the sunset, there will be a few critical wheels missing off his wagon, like the media suffered under his court,” he said.

Chidyausiku used the “dirty hands principle”, which resulted in the closure of the then largest privately-owned daily newspaper, The Daily News, in 2003, sending hundreds of journalists and support staff into the streets.

As chairman of the Constitutional Commission in the late 90s, Chidyausiku presided over Mugabe’s first major electoral defeat since independence.

The commission had two “moments of weaknesses” that put a large bloat on Chidyausiku’s individual reputation, according to analysts.

The commission allowed Mugabe to put changes to the final document after it had been approved by all commissioners to go to a referendum.

Needless to say, the draft constitution was eventually rejected at the referendum.

Chidyausiku, during the commission’s tenure, was involved in a wrangle with a fellow commissioner, which he himself labelled “a moment of weakness”.

Chidyausiku, in his speech, acknowledged that history would judge his tenure and he hoped it would be kind. On that question, the jury is still out.

Chidyausiku’s legacy: Pioneer or Zanu PF’s pointman : NewsDay Zimbabwe.

POLICY inconsistencies, financial leakages, a restrictive business environment, the huge civil service wage bill and porous borders are some of the many reasons Zimbabwe has failed to surpass a $4 billion budget for years.

By VENERANDA LANGA

Post-budget analysts have predicted a tough 2017, particularly if the government fails to implement its policy pronouncements made during the 2017 National Budget, as well as to revise the indigenisation regulations that have been seen as one of the deterrents to doing business in the country.

Speaker of the National Assembly, Jacob Mudenda, recently told stakeholders at a post-budget seminar in Harare that, “we are our own economic liberators” and, therefore, different brains in economics in the country need to pursue home-grown remedies towards revenue mobilisation.

Mudenda, in his proposed solutions to Zimbabwe’s economic quagmire, said it was possible for the country to surpass a $10 billion budget if national resources were properly managed.

Economists said the burden of expanding the national cake should not solely rest on Finance minister Patrick Chinamasa.

“We feel that the issue of the $400 million financial gap must not be the burden of Chinamasa only. We need national dialogue on how to solve the financial gap,” Zimbabwe National Chamber of Commerce chief executive officer, Christopher Mugaga, said.

“We also need to restructure, commercialise and privatise parastatals because we are feeling the heat of under-performing State enterprises and parastatals (SEPs). Imagine if they were performing and declaring $2 million as dividends each, financing the $400 million gap will not be a problem.”

Another economist, Godfrey Kanyenze said Zimbabwe’s economic underperformance is surprising, given the diverse natural resource endowment, and vast strengths and opportunities the country can derive from manufacturing, agriculture, mining and tourism.

“We need to strengthen interventions to stimulate production and supply across the various sectors; and to finalise the outstanding components of the re-engagement process with international financial institutions,” he said.

“We also need to entrench structural reforms to improve the domestic business and the investment environment, that is vital for restoration of confidence, lowering the ease and cost of doing business and product competitiveness.”

Currently, Zimbabwe is saddled with an unsustainable import bill of $5,35 billion versus an export bill of $3,365 billion.

Bankers’ Association of Zimbabwe president, Charity Jinya, said the indigenisation regulations need clarification, adding the government needs to walk the talk on policy pronunciations to promote small and medium enterprises, local companies and exporters.

“Government needs to review different forms of taxes on industry with a view to promote local industries still operational and exporters to attract new business. There is also need to introduce new tax incentives on power infrastructure and green solutions,” she said.

While Mudenda said leveraging of the country’s mineral base will improve capital inflows to the fiscus, Chamber of Mines chief executive officer, Isaac Kwesu bemoaned the high fees charged to mining companies.

“The Ministry of Finance proposed to reduce rural district council fees, but no policy measures were put in the budget to follow up on this as they affect cost of doing business. We are still appealing for removal of the 2% Environmental Management Agency fees to ensure we have sustainable environmental rehabilitation schemes.”

Kwesu said bulk water charges were also too expensive for mines, as they were being charged $50 per megalitre compared to $6 for other sectors of the economy.

Confederation of Zimbabwe Industries president, Busisa Moyo said the significant challenge in Zimbabwe was fiscal space to stimulate the economy.

“Permit restrictions are creating hurdles to exporters. There is need for internal devaluation to stimulate exports as our cost base is 55% higher compared to neighbouring countries,” he said.

Ministry of Macro-economic Planning secretary Desire Sibanda said there is need to focus on production to grow the economy, which was projected to grow by 7% by the ZimAsset blueprint, but due to lack of productivity, the projection went down to 1,7%.

Sibanda said one of the ways to grow the economy is to focus on agriculture through adequate financing.

“Focus on agriculture is critical because the Maputo declaration says we must spend 10% of the budget on agriculture. We also need to improve the liquidity problem and lack of confidence in the banking industry, as well as improve revenue collection,” he said.

Sibanda said creation of special economic zones (SEZ) is critical for investment and is likely to bring very fast economic growth.

“Our ministry has come up with the SEZ Bill, which is now an Act. Countries with the fastest growth rates apply special economic zones. That is why we are behind Zambia, where Copper is a special economic zone. Each province in Tanzania is a special economic zone,” he said.

Sibanda said other economic enablers will be value addition in mining and other produce sectors, Diaspora remittances and curbing financial leakages.

“Other countries have 25% of their gross domestic product as Diaspora remittances. Ethiopia’s Diaspora remittances are billions of dollars. We need to engage Zimbabweans in the Diaspora to invest.”

He said domestic finance utilisation is the way to go as the economy was now highly in-formalised.

“We need to come up with systems to tax the informal sector. State Enterprises and Parastatals have for the past 10 years been looking at reducing losses. We need to create and independent body that will look at reducing loses at SEPs,” Sibanda said.

Economists bemoan Zim’s static budget : NewsDay Zimbabwe.

Ropa shifts again and clamps down the wave of pain that washes over her lower abdomen. As her body prepares for another onslaught, she tries hard to focus on her presentation, which she will make in the next five minutes.

By Phyllis Mbanje

The silence around menstruation limits women’s and adolescent girls’ access to relevant and important information about their bodies, directly affecting their health, education and human rights

For years, she has kept her “secret” afraid that the largely male-dominated marketing agency would lose its confidence in her and brand her a weakling. So every month, she suffers alone and the only time she allows herself to show her “weakness” is when she rushes to the bathroom.

In the cold impersonal white cubicle, she crawls into a corner and stays prostate until the pain has eased.

Ropa is not alone as nearly 75 % of women worldwide suffer from severe period pain (dysmenorrhea). The condition, which can cause a significant impairment in their quality of life and daily functions, however, remains a taboo subject.

Women activists and human rights defenders have repeatedly called on societies to break down global taboos around menstruation (a natural bodily function), and discuss pertinent issues like period pain.

Zimbabwe is also among countries in the developing world in which the subject is not adequately discussed based on cultural perceptions that view it as shameful and dirty.

Despite the fact that menstruation is a healthy biological process, in many places all over the world, it is approached with hesitancy and misinformation because of deeply-rooted cultural taboos.

The silence around menstruation limits women’s and adolescent girls’ access to relevant and important information about their bodies, directly affecting their health, education and human rights.

There is not a lot of information surrounding critical subjects like dysmenorrhea and yet it affects many women, whose quality of life is drastically impaired including the performance of their duties to capacity.

Recently, Zambia’s provision for menstrual leave touched off a storm, with many people shooting it down and dismissing it as a frivolity.

Zambian women will now be able to take a day off during their period dubbed “Mother’s Day”.

However, the right, which is enshrined in the country’s labour laws, is only entitled for those who are ill.

Scientifically known as dysmenorrhea, period pains are characterised by cramping lower abdominal pain.

Nearly 75% of women worldwide suffer from the condition, according to a 2012 article published in the British Journal of Clinical Pharmacology.

During ovulation a hormone called prostaglandin, known to cause cramping abdominal pains, is released and affected women “experience mainly lower back pain while some describe pain that goes down into their legs.”

“The pain is felt when the uterus contracts to expel the blood, it is very uncomfortable,” South African gynaecologist and obstetrician Bronwyn, Moore said.

Dysmenorrhoea can cause significant impairment in a woman’s quality of life and daily functions,
The most common is called primary dysmenorrhea, which has no real known cause.

The second is caused by some underlying conditions like fibroids, cysts or previous pelvic inflammatory diseases.”

Young girls, noted Moore, are likely to get primary dysmenorrhoea, when they first start menstruating but this normally improves with age or childbirth.

“Pregnancy and delivery cause the cervix to stretch and dilate and so it’s easier for the menstrual blood to pass and the pressure in the uterus eases,” she said.

A few lifestyle changes and moderate exercises are mostly sufficient to manage the condition.

A study published in a 2012 issue of the South African Journal of Obstetrics and Gynaecology also noted that many women with primary dysmenorrhoea reported that exercise provided symptomatic relief.

“General exercising improves your blood flow, improves your ability to deal with pain, you release endorphins, which are your brain’s own morphine-like hormones to help you deal with (the) pain,” Moore said.

For severe cases, however, she said one needs to take pain medication like nonsteroidal anti-inflammatory drugs or, in worst cases, surgical intervention.The nonsteroidal drugs restrict or block the production of prostaglandins and include the common painkillers such as aspirin, naproxen, ibuprofen and mefenamic acid.

“There is also the contraceptive pill, which is used to reduce the amount or time that you bleed and makes a period less painful,” Moore said.

She said awareness of available options is critical, especially for young girls reaching puberty.

“The truth is women shouldn’t have to take two or three days off per month from their studies or from their work, there is perfectly adequate treatment available,”

Global taboo: Women suffer the ’shame’ of period pains : NewsDay Zimbabwe.

Eighty-two-year-old Faith Tavherwa wore a weary face, as she followed proceedings of her case at Marondera Magistrates’ Court.

BY Jairos Saunyama

The senior citizen had taken to court a local witch hunter, generally known as a tsikamutanda, Blessing Bako (28) for allegedly flogging her in public and forcing her to confess she was a witch.

Bako of Chigasa Village, under Chief Ruzani, was jailed two years by magistrate Jabulani Mzinyathi, who denounced the witch-hunter’s act as barbaric.

“The damage has already been done. This is indeed a curse, how can a young man call me a witch and flog me like a kid?” Tavherwa said, as she left the gallery.

According to court papers, on the fateful day, Bako approached Tavherwa at her residence in Tavherwa Village in Wedza district and declare her a witch.

When she denied the allegations, Bako beat her up all over her body with a whip, demanding that she confirms his prophecy lest society would label him a bogus witch hunter.

After the severe lashing carried out, as the whole community watched, Bako ordered Tavherwa to kneel down and drenched her with cold water. As a result, Tavherwa sustained injuries on her thighs, head, eyes and back and a medical affidavit produced in court confirmed the injuries.

Tavherwa was rescued from the attack by fellow villagers, who later reported the matter to police.

The old woman is not alone in this predicament.

A number of women, particularly in rural areas, have endured emotional and physical humiliation at the hands of tsikamutandas.

Marondera-based gender activist, Marjory Svisva, urged women to report such cases to the police, instead of allowing the tsikamutandas to run roughshod over their rights.

“Women should not be abused at all costs. It is the elderly women, who take care of their grandchildren after their parents die of HIV-related ailments, which they are not accepting and then blame the elderly women for bewitching them. It is a pity that lack of knowledge of legislation is affecting the women especially in the rural areas,” she said.

“For instance, the Witchcraft Suppression Act has not been repealed and yet most women, especially, in rural areas are still being victimised. There is need for protection of the vulnerable women. The law needs to be translated into local languages and also educational campaigns on women’s rights at law should be carried out. I urge women to resist to part with the little they have for example, livestock to bogus witch hunters.”

According to section 97 of the Criminal Law (Codification Reform) Act Chapter 9:23, it is an offence for one to “accuse a person of witchcraft”.

Recently, a witch-hunter in Nyamajura area of Odzi in Manicaland province allegedly abducted and detained a school head girl in his lodgings, forcing her to skip her O Level examinations. Police had to intervene and the girl was later escorted to the school to sit for the geography paper later that afternoon. The witch hunter allegedly later mysteriously escaped from police custody, and is said to be on the run.

Another human rights campaigner, Charlene Chekenya of Stand Foundation, said there is need to educate women on their rights, as well as to protect them from being victimised by the tsikamutandas.

She said religion and culture are the most common manipulative weapons being used to abuse women in various forms, with rural and marginalised communities in Zimbabwe being the most affected.

“Because of the challenging economic crisis in Zimbabwe, bogus enterprising men have been arising at alarming rates in the name of the common tsikamutandas in rural areas and prophets in the urban areas,” Chekenya said.

“Women in rural areas are easily manipulated by these strange men because of their meekness and naiviety, aided by a lack of education on the subject matter and the general cultural norms that suppress locality within women.”

For the sake of appeasing the community, most of these women end up paying unprecedented fines for crimes they would not have committed, for fear of being ostracised by society.

“It is vital that the social and cultural constructs that suppress women in rural communities be broken through information programmes that involve community leaders constituting of the headmen, chiefs and relevant stakeholders,” she said.

Chekenya added that women should have a clear understanding of their rights to avoid manipulation by witch hunters.

“Women in rural areas have no clear understanding of their rights and the variable support structures that are available in their favour. For example, accusing someone of witchcraft by the tsikamutanda is a defamation of character that should be reported. Additionally, manipulating women into paying fines for crimes that are not within the laws of the country is itself an unlawful activity.

“Community leaders in rural communities should not allow traditional, religious or cultural practices to be forced on individuals who are not interested, it should be free will and, hence, tsikamutandas have no right to manipulate women,” she said.

The government last month banned tsikamutandas’ extortionist practices and urged victims to report the evil practice to police.

A Cabinet resolution in December reads: “Consequently, government is calling upon, firstly, all citizens, who have fallen victim to witch hunting, to forthwith report the evil practice to police and law enforcement agencies with a view to bringing to book the perpetrators and seek compensation.

“Secondly, the minister of Rural Development, Promotion and Preservation of National Culture and Heritage Abednico Ncube has been directed to work closely with law enforcement agencies and traditional leaders, ensure that the repugnant extortionist practice of witch hunting is immediately brought to an end countrywide.”

Tsikamutanda shenanigans exposed : NewsDay Zimbabwe.

TWO vendors, standing on a pavement under the veranda of one of the major shops in up-town Harare, go about their business despite municipal police and the Zimbabwe Republic Police’s efforts to clamp down on them, as part of efforts to curb the spread of typhoid.

BY TONDERAYI MATONHO

The vendors jokingly warn each other that they may not be able to escape spikes, if thrown at them by the city council police.

“We don’t mind throwing anything at them when they flee, even spikes to stop vending,” one municipal police officer said.

Spikes have become a common feature in Harare, as they are thrown at commuter vehicles picking up passengers at undesignated spots in a bid to stop and arrest them.

“There is no going back because we are doing this for the good of the public. We are currently on the streets removing vendors,” Michael Chideme, the council spokesperson, warned recently.

Experts warn that the prevalence of vending sites across the country would only worsen Zimbabwe’s investment ranking, leaving it an unattractive destination.

The council started seizing defiant vendors’ wares, much to the chagrin of the street settlers, who accused the city council of misdirecting its efforts, saying typhoid was being driven by the municipality’s failure to collect garbage, provide clean water and ensure availability of functional ablution facilities.

The vendors then approached the High Court through their pressure group, Vendors Initiative for Social and Economic Transformation (Viset), to defend themselves against the blitz and were granted an interdict.

Soon after the interdict was issued, riots broke out in central Harare briefly bringing business to a standstill, as vendors fought running battles with the police, who were trying to push them off the streets.

The struggle for space in the city through vending is a new phenomenon and it is spreading to every corner of the country’s urban centres, most notably on the city’s pavements, with unconfirmed statistics putting the number of vendors in Harare at 100 000.

Experts say it is a struggle that has dethroned Harare as the Sunshine City and one of Africa’s finest, yet Zimbabwe’s capital hopes to be a world-class city by 2025.

The Zimbabwe National Chamber of Commerce (ZNCC) notes that with the Zimbabwe Revenue Authority struggling to raise enough tax and foreign direct investment low, it is quite risky to continue allowing vending in the central business district.

“It has decimated the prospects of bona fide retailers by crowding out their potential market through setting up of stalls on their door steps.

“The spread of vending activities is a symptom of a working class populace migrating from the production-biased continuum to a consumer-facing kind of economic activity. This is growing in Zimbabwe, where citizens want to sell tomatoes, cellphones or vehicles as opposed to going to the farm or factory to produce,” ZNCC said, in one of its weekly contributions to the Zimbabwe Economic Society.

With traditional and major industries having closed down over the past two decades or so, vending has become the only way for many.

“A dominant informal economy implies stifling of room for innovation and creativity, a higher propensity for smuggling different commodities, a depressed savings ratio, as fewer citizens will be willing to be part of the formal banking system, an eyesore to the tourism products and services and a haven for ancient diseases related to hygiene,” ZNCC notes.

“Removing us from here is a death sentence, so we will die on the streets,” a defiant vendor, Titus Mashongwa, told NewsDay recently.

Another vendor, Charity Chengu, who operates close to Batanai Gardens, undaunted, said she would flee, but return to her stall place once the riots were over.

Observers note that the battle against vending has intensified under Local Government minister, Saviour Kasukuwere.

“For now, it is a difficult war to win, because by nature, vending is more underground and shadowy than an ordinary blackmarket, which normally arises as a result of government intervention in the operations of general pricing mechanism,” Denzel Malikwa, a fourth-year law student at the Midlands State University, said.

He noted that a blackmarket induces shortages, which compel the government to act, while vending does not disrupt the product supply.

Council descends on vendors in fight against typhoid : NewsDay Zimbabwe.

ZIMBABWE is heading for fresh general elections in 2018, but legislators last week cried foul over the measly budgetary allocations to institutions like the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (Zec), the Zimbabwe Human Rights Commission (ZHRC) and the National Peace and Reconciliation Commission (NPRC), which deal with pre- and post-electoral issues.

BY VENERANDA LANGA

Over the years, commissions like Zec have been poorly funded, but the biggest disappointment to MPs in the 2017 National Budget was failure by Finance minister Patrick Chinamasa to allocate even a single cent towards the biometric voter registration (BVR) process.

The Parliamentary Portfolio Committee on Justice, chaired by Harare West MP Jessie Majome, in a report last week, expressed concern over Treasury’s 2017 $9 268 000 Zec allocation, saying it was “gross underfunding” and will not be inadequate to conduct free and fair elections in the country.

It was noted that Zec had bid for $29 million for BVR, but was not given even a dime.

Procurement of BVR kits is said to cost between $25m to $40m, depending on the level of kits the country opts for.

“A bid of $29m was made for biometric voter registration and the supporting of voter education in preparation for the 2018 elections, but no allocation was provided for this,” the Justice Parliamentary Portfolio Committee said.

“This is alarming given the committee’s reports of previous years to the effect that if this gross underfunding is not stopped, Zec will not be ready to conduct free, fair and credible general elections for 2018.”

The committee said the national security and sovereignty consequences for failure to adequately fund Zec will be too ghastly to contemplate.

They said the amount allocated to Zec for employment costs will be inadequate in meeting its proposed expansion, adding the electoral commission will also be unable to purchase the necessary materials, goods and services required for the 2018 harmonised general elections.

“In addition, the allocation of $335 000 for maintenance is not adequate for repair of the old vehicle fleet to transport election materials and equipment whose book value is more than $25m,” the committee said.

For possible by-elections in 2017, the committee cried foul over the $1,5m allocation when Zec said they actually needed $8,5m.

In preparation for the 2018 harmonised elections, Zec will need to conduct voter registration, and voter education, including engagement of different electoral stakeholders.

Its other duties include delimitation of constituencies and wards, and conducting referendums, as well as development of expertise in the use of technology, and promotion of co-operation between government, political parties and civil society during election periods, and accreditation of observers of elections and referendums.

To exacerbate their problems, Zec is said to be saddled with a $3m debt accrued from the 2013 elections.

“The commission (Zec) is facing several challenges, including the late release of resources for by-elections, lack of appropriate office accommodation, poor conditions of service, debts amounting to $3 093 000 from the July 2013 harmonised elections, among others.”

The other peace-building commission, which is critical for observance of human rights during electoral periods, is ZHRC, which got a paltry $1 908 000.

“The ZHRC is facing several challenges, ranging from a shortage of staff, poor working conditions, lack of office equipment, inaccessibility in most parts of the country, and inadequate budgetary allocations.”

Deepening their woes is that the ZHRC is burdened by a debt of over $147 000 owed to various service providers and suppliers, including security companies, utilities and wages to their former executive secretary.

Some of the creditors are said to have slapped ZHRC with lawsuits to try and recover their money.

The under-funding of ZHRC will affect their operations to fulfil their constitutional mandate of handling complaints, doing investigations, monitoring human rights, promotions and education.

Another pivotal institution, as Zimbabwe nears the 2018 elections, is the NPRC, which was allocated $1 123 000.

The NPRC still needs to set up offices, but it is severely underfunded, and employment costs that were allocated only $699 000 are said to be too little to cover salaries of commissioners.

“This means the commission will not be able to recruit staff that will assist it to implement its programmes. The commission made a request of $467 000 for office rental, furniture and equipment and vehicle purchase but was allocated $220 000. The allocated amount falls short of the commission’s requirement by 53%, a situation that will adversely affect the setting up of the commission,” the Justice Parliamentary Portfolio Committee said.

They said what was more worrying is the fact that the NPRC will be in existence only for 10 years, of which three years have already elapsed, and failure to allocate them adequately will hinder their peace-building efforts.

Victims of the 2008 and 2013 electoral violence, as well as the Gukurahundi atrocities still await the NPRC to start hearing their cases in order to begin the national healing process.

Vice-President Phelekezela Mphoko brought the NPRC Bill before Parliament last year, but it was removed from the National Assembly Order Paper after the Parliamentary Legal Committee adjudged some of its sections unconstitutional.

The NPRC Bill is, however, set to make a comeback this year for crafting in order to operationalise the commission.

Underfunding cripples election institutions : NewsDay Zimbabwe.

ZIMBABWE has adopted the biometric voting registration (BVR) system, as part of advancements in information communication technologies (ICTs), in a move anticipated to ensure the security of elections, whose handling has always been a source of contestation.

BY JAIROS SAUNYAMA

The Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (Zec) has urged citizens to embrace the development and called on all eligible voters to ensure their names would be on the new biometric voters’ roll.

Full adoption of the BVR, however, might take longer, as Zec is still to acquire the needed $55 million for the implementation of the whole project, something unlikely to happen before 2018, according to observers.

The BVR system will capture the voter’s image and fingerprints, as part of core features of identification. A voter will be registered to vote at just one, specific polling station.

ICT expert, Samuel Chindaro hailed the adoption of the BVR system, but said there were a lot of loopholes that needed to be plugged to ensure the new system’s smooth running.

“The fact that the introduction of the system has been done after calls from the opposition and other experts, it should boost the credibility of Zec, which has responded positively to these calls,” he said.

Chindaro noted that implementing the new system required careful management of risks, if it was to achieve its desired goals.

“The frequency at which ICT projects run late and over-budget, makes it clear that Zimbabwe’s BVR project is at a high risk of failure if it’s not adequately planned,” he said.

“Fundamental to the success of such a project is an appreciation of the procurement and running costs, and, thereafter, the sustainability of the technology,”

Benin, Malawi, Tanzania, Togo, Mauritania, Ivory Coast and Nigeria, among others, are already using the system.

Chindaro said there was need for adequate time to test the system before the elections to avoid hiccups.

“Ideally, the preparations for introduction of advanced technology in elections should start soon after the preceding elections, in order to maximise the time for system testing, procedural development, training and so on,” he said.

“Procurement of election materials is among the most costly part of the electoral process and any delay or shortfall in the procurement or distribution of materials could have serious implications on the rest of the electoral schedule.”

Chindaro noted that the biggest challenge was about ensuring sustainable, appropriate, cost-effective and transparent use of technology given Zimbabwe’s fragile political environment.

Ideally, he said, the BVR should build credibility by improving the efficiency of the electoral process.

However, the system has come under scrutiny following some irregularities associated with fingerprints that failed to work on election day during presidential elections as well as technical issues related to power supply in Nigeria.

In 2012, Ghana had to extend voting by a day after the BVR kits failed to work, while other countries like Malawi and Somalia experienced difficulties too.

An IT expert, who declined to be named, said the new system would only come to fruition after an intensive nationwide campaign.

“We need to consider the technicalities like how people are likely to familiarise with the system because this is a new system and we are already behind time in terms of starting awareness campaigns,” he said.

MDC-T spokesperson, Obert Gutu said his party welcomed the adoption of the new voting technology, but his concerns were on the security of the software and hardware, which he said could be manipulated to rig elections.

“Zec has already announced that there will be biometric voter registration commencing around May 2017, but that there will be no biometric voting in the 2018 elections. As the MDC, we welcome biometric voter registration as long as the process is conducted fairly, transparently and with total and absolute accountability,” he said.

“Of course, there is need to ensure that biometric voter registration will not be manipulated to give an unfair advantage to any political party, particularly the ruling Zanu PF party.”

Election Resource Centre director, Tawanda Chimhini said technology had its loopholes, hence, there was need for intensive voter education to avoid irregularities.

“The adoption of the BVR is an advantage in that the system means a credible registration process. This time, it will be difficult to manipulate someone’s face and fingerprints, as compared to a situation, where a person would be registered after providing an ID number. The advantage is beyond duplicate,” he said.

“In as much as technology is good, the downside in relation to registration is the question of information. You need extensive voter education.”

To successfully embrace e-voting, Zimbabwe needs to learn from successful projects held in Estonia and Switzerland a few years ago.

According to Alexander Treshchel, who led a Council of Europe-funded team researching e-voting in Estonia, the country’s success story was remarkable, owing to its political past.

In both Estonia and Switzerland, e-voting was introduced in part to tackle the problem of a decline in turnout, described by Trechsel as “one of the major problems of democracy”.

Although the two countries differ greatly in their political history and structure, both states had a modern electoral administration, high levels of internet penetration and political will, which Trechsel said made them fertile ground for e-voting.

Voters can now use a card — or also a mobile phone ID in Estonia — to cast their ballot over a set period of time.

Estonia rolled out e-voting in 2005 and by 2009, nearly a quarter of all votes cast were online, while the canton of Geneva in Switzerland says e-voting is now stable at around 20%, a decade after the first binding e-votes were cast.

In Estonia, Trechsel found that around 16% of e-voters said they probably would not have voted had internet voting been unavailable.

BVR: Zim so near, yet so far on ICTs : NewsDay Zimbabwe.

RESPINA Matuku (75) is a well-known urban farmer in Marondera town.

BY JAIROS SAUNYAMA

Apart from fuelling soil erosion, tampering with wetlands and the uncontrolled application of chemicals is also a cause for concern

The senior citizen, who is one of the first people to live in the high-density suburb of Dombotombo, boasts of four pieces of land situated in a wetland on the outskirts of the suburb.

Farming in the wetlands has been Matuku’s source of income since her retirement from the Marondera Municipality 15 years ago.

However, her farming practices are detrimental to the environment.

“The fields are always water-logged and I have to devise ways to come up with a bumper harvest. I plant my maize seeds on contours so that the water doesn’t submerge my plants. I have been doing this for years,” Matuku said.

Her farming practices have angered environmentalists, who have concluded that the erection of contours has fuelled soil erosion, leading to siltation in the nearby water bodies.

Matuku is one of the many urban farmers, whose unmonitored farming practices have become detrimental to the environment in a number of ways.

Apart from fuelling soil erosion, tampering with wetlands and the uncontrolled application of chemicals is also a cause for concern.

Environmental Management Agency (EMA) Mashonaland East provincial information and publicity officer, Astas Mabwe said there was need for the sustainability of the urban farming practices to preserve the environment.

“Most people practising urban agriculture are doing so to augment their income at the expense of the environment.

Due to shortage of space, they end up farming in wetlands, along streams, on sloppy ground and in mountains, leading to accelerated erosion. There is high erosion and pollution of water bodies due to chemicals applied on crops,” he said.

“Some of them construct ridges downstream to avoid waterlogging, leading to high volumes of soil going to the rivers and dams. As EMA, we maintain that all agricultural activities should be done sustainably. We urge agricultural extension officers to educate people on sound methods of farming. The wetlands are very vital in the survival of people and should be conserved.”

In Harare, savings accruing to small-scale urban farmers are equivalent to more than half a month’s salary, according to a research.

But this development has not been rosy to the environment, as the battle to own a piece of land continues, leaving residents opting for streambank cultivation, as well as invading wetlands.

Harare City Council spokesperson, Michael Chideme, said the local authority had designated farming sites and encouraged residents to stay away from wetlands.

“To put the record straight, Harare City supports the practice of urban agriculture from time immemorial. For example, in 1948, Waterfalls, as a suburb, was de-facto planned urban agriculture, with animal husbandry and grinding mills freely permitted. All high-density suburbs have always practised urban agriculture within the confines of their stands. The people there grow crops such as vegetables, maize and fruit trees,” he said.

Chideme said the municipality had never interfered with practices aimed at putting food on tables, but said mechanisms put in place to safeguard the environment are then misconstrued to imply that council was against urban cultivation.

“What this means is people are free to cultivate on designated and approved pieces of land. The people are free to approach the city’s district offices to be shown the approved sites for urban cropping. However, I seek to educate the people of Harare that cultivating on road verges, stream bank cultivation and on wetlands is prohibited,” he said.

When farming operations are sustainably managed, they can help preserve and restore critical habitats, protect watersheds, and improve soil health and water quality.

However, when practised without care, farming presents the greatest threat to species and ecosystems.

Urban farming that has been practised on wetlands in most cities and towns has negative impacts like land conversion and habitat loss, soil erosion, wasteful water consumption, genetic erosion and climate change, among others.

Wetlands are very important in that they help reduce the impacts of storm damage and flooding, naturally purify water, maintain good water quality in rivers, recharge groundwater, store carbon, help stabilise climatic conditions and control pests.

They are also important sites for biodiversity.

Environment Africa (EA) projects officer, Munyaradzi Kaundikiza said there was need to educate the urban farmers on the best practices, as well as the importance of wetlands.

“Local authorities should work with EMA closely and designate proper arable land for urban farming adoption of soil conservation structures such as contour ridges and planting of vertiver grass to minimise erosion. There is also need for widespread education of urban communities so that they understand why farming in some areas is bad for the
environment,” he said.

Kaundikiza added that poor urban farming practices were fuelled by lack of awareness on EMA rules and regulations on the use of arable land.

“Moreover, the absence of expert advice from experts such as Agritex officers for urban farmers is another factor.

We encourage local authorities to have a department or personnel that oversee urban agriculture and provide expertise for urban farmers,” he said.

Unmonitored urban farming practices destroy environment : NewsDay Zimbabwe.